Thursday, April 07, 2016

ChildrensPlea

Dear Gay Community: Your Kids Are Hurting

I loved my mom’s partner, but another mom could never have replaced the father I lost.
Heather Barwick
By 
Gay community, I am your daughter. My mom raised me with her same-sex partner back in the ’80s and ’90s. She and my dad were married for a little while. She knew she was gay before they got married, but things were different back then. That’s how I got here. It was complicated as you can imagine. She left him when I was two or three because she wanted a chance to be happy with someone she really loved: a woman.
My dad wasn’t a great guy, and after she left him he didn’t bother coming around anymore.
Do you remember that book, “Heather Has Two Mommies”? That was my life. My mom, her partner, and I lived in a cozy little house in the ‘burbs of a very liberal and open-minded area. Her partner treated me as if I was her own daughter. Along with my mom’s partner, I also inherited her tight-knit community of gay and lesbian friends. Or maybe they inherited me?
Either way, I still feel like gay people are mypeople. I’ve learned so much from you. You taught me how to be brave, especially when it is hard. You taught me empathy. You taught me how to listen. And how to dance. You taught me not be afraid of things that are different. And you taught me how to stand up for myself, even if that means I stand alone.
I’m writing to you because I’m letting myself out of the closet: I don’t support gay marriage. But it might not be for the reasons that you think.

Children Need a Mother and Father

It’s not because you’re gay. I love you, so much. It’s because of the nature of the same-sex relationship itself.
It’s only now, as I watch my children loving and being loved by their father each day, that I can see the beauty and wisdom in traditional marriage and parenting.
Growing up, and even into my 20s, I supported and advocated for gay marriage. It’s only with some time and distance from my childhood that I’m able to reflect on my experiences and recognize the long-term consequences that same-sex parenting had on me. And it’s only now, as I watch my children loving and being loved by their father each day, that I can see the beauty and wisdom in traditional marriage and parenting.
Same-sex marriage and parenting withholds either a mother or father from a child while telling him or her that it doesn’t matter. That it’s all the same. But it’s not. A lot of us, a lot of your kids, are hurting. My father’s absence created a huge hole in me, and I ached every day for a dad. I loved my mom’s partner, but another mom could never have replaced the father I lost.
I grew up surrounded by women who said they didn’t need or want a man. Yet, as a little girl, I so desperately wanted a daddy. It is a strange and confusing thing to walk around with this deep-down unquenchable ache for a father, for a man, in a community that says that men are unnecessary. There were times I felt so angry with my dad for not being there for me, and then times I felt angry with myself for even wanting a father to begin with. There are parts of me that still grieve over that loss today.
I’m not saying that you can’t be good parents. You can. I had one of the best. I’m also not saying that being raised by straight parents means everything will turn out okay. We know there are so many different ways that the family unit can break down and cause kids to suffer: divorce, abandonment, infidelity, abuse, death, etc. But by and large, the best and most successful family structure is one in which kids are being raised by both their mother and father.

Why Can’t Gay People’s Kids Be Honest?

Gay marriage doesn’t just redefine marriage, but also parenting. It promotes and normalizes a family structure that necessarily denies us something precious and foundational. It denies us something we need and long for, while at the same time tells us that we don’t need what we naturally crave. That we will be okay. But we’re not. We’re hurting.
If anyone can talk about hard things, it’s us.
Kids of divorced parents are allowed to say, “Hey, mom and dad, I love you, but the divorce crushed me and has been so hard. It shattered my trust and made me feel like it was my fault. It is so hard living in two different houses.” Kids of adoption are allowed to say, “Hey, adoptive parents, I love you. But this is really hard for me. I suffer because my relationship with my first parents was broken. I’m confused and I miss them even though I’ve never met them.”
But children of same-sex parents haven’t been given the same voice. It’s not just me. There are so many of us. Many of us are too scared to speak up and tell you about our hurt and pain, because for whatever reason it feels like you’re not listening. That you don’t want to hear. If we say we are hurting because we were raised by same-sex parents, we are either ignored or labeled a hater.
This isn’t about hate at all. I know you understand the pain of a label that doesn’t fit and the pain of a label that is used to malign or silence you. And I know that you really havebeen hated and that you really have been hurt. I was there, at the marches, when they held up signs that said, “God hates fags” and “AIDS cures homosexuality.” I cried and turned hot with anger right there in the street with you. But that’s not me. That’s not us.
I know this is a hard conversation. But we need to talk about it. If anyone can talk about hard things, it’s us. You taught me that.

Heather Barwick was raised by her mother and her mother's same-sex partner. She is a former gay-marriage advocate turned children's rights activist. She is a wife and mother of four rambunctious kids.

Friday, March 11, 2016

Gender issues and children



Bill Muehlenberg's commentary on issues of the day…




Gender Benders Harming our Children


The sexual revolutionaries have done more to destroy culture, society, marriage, family and all that has made the West great than perhaps any other radical activist movement. Every day we find the bitter fruit of this wrecking crew. And sadly it is children who are so often the biggest losers.


Here in Australia children have been targeted big time by the sexual activists especially in the form of the so-called Safe Schools Coalition, and social engineering groups like Early Childhood Australia. I have written about both a number of times now, exposing their militant pro-homosexual, pro-trans everything and anti-heterosexual agenda.


These groups do not run with the evidence and the research, but run with social activism, pushing radical agendas. And I am not alone in my concerns about all this. Miranda Devine has just written about both groups and rightly asks:


Why are national programs being imposed that take away parental discretion in teaching their own children about such intimate issues. Each family is entitled to pass on its own values, at a time of its own choosing, whether they are religiously based or not. It was bad enough when we heard 11-year-olds were being advised to bind their breasts and tuck in their penises to practice being a member of the opposite sex. But the thought police invading preschools is positively Orwellian. Has the world gone mad?


Since these activist groups refuse to deal with the actual science and evidence (all of it, not just those bits which seem to make their case), it is up to others to bring this into the debate. Here I will again do just that, with two recent pieces we all should be aware of.


The first is by Margaret A. Hagen, JD, PhD, Professor of Psychological and Brain Sciences at Boston University. Her vitally important piece “Transgenderism Has No Basis in Science or Law” should be read by everyone. Let me quote just a few parts of it:


Where Is the Evidence?

More fundamentally, there is no consensus on the etiology of the diverse expressions of “gender identity variants.” Some LGBTQ advocates theorize that nonconforming sexuality is caused by certain family dynamics in the context of a bi-gendered patriarchal society. Others postulate that unidentified genetically based sex-hormone abnormalities cause transgenderism or homosexuality, even when there are no abnormalities of the reproductive anatomy.

Evidence-based conclusions are utterly lacking, whatever the claims of activists. Without clear distinctions not only among categories of the potentially mentally disordered but also between the mentally disordered and the normal population, how are diagnosis and treatment decisions to be made? It is hardly possible to pass disability laws without reliable diagnostic categories.

Most proposed legislation is driven not by medical research or theoretical differences but by the desire to make private or government insurance money available for hormone and surgical “treatment” for nonconformists experiencing psychological distress. The American Psychiatric Association has stated this unambiguously in its DSM-5, the current diagnostic manual. Pathologizing states of mind – even distress – simply to make insurance money available for attempts to change those states through surgical, medical, and cosmetic alterations to the body is simply not sound science. Neither is it just to the larger community that pays for medical insurance and funds the Affordable Care Act. Surely, in a domain with such drastic proposed “therapy,” it is not too much to ask for a solid evidence-based statement of who is being treated, for what, and why, before writing the prescription.

Our society cannot reasonably be expected to unquestioningly accept psychiatric “treatments” that strain our concepts of medical ethics, standards of care, and malpractice up to and past the breaking point.


She concludes:


Many both in and out of the mental health community see the conviction of oneself as “transgender” as a delusion – a technical term referring to a fixed belief that is not amenable to change in light of conflicting evidence.

The larger community should not accommodate this delusion by pretending to accept it as reality. A deluded person is not “treated” by requiring everyone who encounters him to accept the validity of his or her delusion, contrary to all reality.

Up until the very recent past, reality testing was a fundamental component of psychotherapy. The opposite approach is irrational and indefensible. Indeed, one prominent psychiatrist in this field has termed this accommodation “collaborating with madness.” That is what American society is being asked to do by people who are well-meaning but profoundly confused about the realities of transgenderism.

We expect our legislators to have rational bases for the laws they enact. We expect our judges to have rational bases for the decisions they reach. Even amid political pandering by those seeking reelection, we expect at least a veneer of rationality in the exercise of legislative and judicial powers. There is simply no rational basis for the laws being proposed and imposed in the realm of transgenderism. There is very little knowledge at all – no common definitions of terms, no accepted methodology, no outcome analyses, no testing and rejecting of hypotheses, no agreed-upon standards, no science. There currently exists no reliable foundation for making these laws that will shape the actions of the larger community as they relate to sexually nonconforming individuals.

Laws that restrict our freedoms and direct our actions should never be passed without a clear definition of the interests and parties to be affected and a precise explication of the ways the laws will serve those interests. At present, we have no such definitions or explanations. Put the brakes on transgender lawmaking until we do.


The next expert to call upon is The American College of Pediatricians. It has recently put out an important statement called, “Gender Ideology Harms Children”. Let me offer it to you in full:


The American College of Pediatricians urges educators and legislators to reject all policies that condition children to accept as normal a life of chemical and surgical impersonation of the opposite sex. Facts – not ideology – determine reality.

1. Human sexuality is an objective biological binary trait: “XY” and “XX” are genetic markers of health – not genetic markers of a disorder. The norm for human design is to be conceived either male or female. Human sexuality is binary by design with the obvious purpose being the reproduction and flourishing of our species. This principle is self-evident. The exceedingly rare disorders of sexual differentiation (DSDs), including but not limited to testicular feminization and congenital adrenal hyperplasia, are all medically identifiable deviations from the sexual binary norm, and are rightly recognized as disorders of human design. Individuals with DSDs do not constitute a third sex.

2. No one is born with a gender. Everyone is born with a biological sex. Gender (an awareness and sense of oneself as male or female) is a sociological and psychological concept; not an objective biological one. No one is born with an awareness of themselves as male or female; this awareness develops over time and, like all developmental processes, may be derailed by a child’s subjective perceptions, relationships, and adverse experiences from infancy forward. People who identify as “feeling like the opposite sex” or “somewhere in between” do not comprise a third sex. They remain biological men or biological women.

3. A person’s belief that he or she is something they are not is, at best, a sign of confused thinking. When an otherwise healthy biological boy believes he is a girl, or an otherwise healthy biological girl believes she is a boy, an objective psychological problem exists that lies in the mind not the body, and it should be treated as such. These children suffer from gender dysphoria. Gender dysphoria (GD), formerly listed as Gender Identity Disorder (GID), is a recognized mental disorder in the most recent edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of the American Psychiatric Association (DSM-V). The psychodynamic and social learning theories of GD/GID have never been disproved.

4. Puberty is not a disease and puberty-blocking hormones can be dangerous. Reversible or not, puberty- blocking hormones induce a state of disease – the absence of puberty – and inhibit growth and fertility in a previously biologically healthy child.

5. According to the DSM-V, as many as 98% of gender confused boys and 88% of gender confused girls eventually accept their biological sex after naturally passing through puberty.

6. Children who use puberty blockers to impersonate the opposite sex will require cross-sex hormones in late adolescence. Cross-sex hormones are associated with dangerous health risks including but not limited to high blood pressure, blood clots, stroke and cancer.

7. Rates of suicide are twenty times greater among adults who use cross-sex hormones and undergo sex reassignment surgery, even in Sweden which is among the most LGBQT – affirming countries. What compassionate and reasonable person would condemn young children to this fate knowing that after puberty as many as 88% of girls and 98% of boys will eventually accept reality and achieve a state of mental and physical health?

8. Conditioning children into believing a lifetime of chemical and surgical impersonation of the opposite sex is normal and healthful is child abuse. Endorsing gender discordance as normal via public education and legal policies will confuse children and parents, leading more children to present to “gender clinics” where they will be given puberty-blocking drugs. This, in turn, virtually ensures that they will “choose” a lifetime of carcinogenic and otherwise toxic cross-sex hormones, and likely consider unnecessary surgical mutilation of their healthy body parts as young adults.

Michelle A. Cretella, M.D.

President of the American College of Pediatricians

Quentin Van Meter, M.D.

Vice President of the American College of Pediatricians

Pediatric Endocrinologist

Paul McHugh, M.D.

University Distinguished Service Professor of Psychiatry at Johns Hopkins Medical School and the former psychiatrist in chief at Johns Hopkins Hospital


This is the sort of information and evidence we need in this debate, not the emotional stories and political activism of the sexual revolutionaries. For the sake of our children, our families, and our society, we must get this truth out there, and say no to the ugly agenda of the gender benders.

Thursday, February 18, 2016

TheWayThingsWere



What Would Our Ancestors Think of Us?


What is the worst thing about living near an open sewer? It is not that you sicken at the stench of it every time you leave your front door. It is that the noisome vapors are so pervasive, and you have lived with them so long, you no longer notice it. What is the worst thing about living in the rubble of a civilization? It is not that you shed a tear for the noble churches and courts and town halls you once knew, as you recall years filled with religious services, parades, block parties, and all the bumptious folderol of an ordinary civic life. It is that you do not even suspect that such things existed.
But how would it be if a time traveler were to go back behind the upheaval and let the people glance into the future? It’s a feature of the American narrative that in all respects things improve over time, so that you can point to vaccines that have eliminated such dreaded diseases as polio and tuberculosis, or to ribbons of highways that bind up the country, or to the machine on which I am writing this essay now—the computer that puts in my grasp a vast library of human knowledge.
Our time traveler reveals these things, and the eyes of his audience grow glassy with wonder. Imagine—the poems of Tennyson, a few seconds away! The Dorsey band in person, Van Cliburn on the piano, Paderewski on the violin, Rembrandt in bold color, great things for everyone and not only for the rich who can travel. But then you will have to explain. No, a thousand to one, ten thousand to one, the people who use the instrument will be gazing at pornography rather than at the Masters. Then you will have to explain the term “pornography”: smut. And say that most high school students will never have heard of Tennyson, much less read his poems, but that almost all of them will have gazed at smut, some of them day after day.
The faces of the audience darken. Then one among them, wiser than the rest, asks the obvious question: “How then shall we live?”
There is a country road that straggles its way over a mountain nearby. Lovers go there and pull over at a lookout, where they listen to music and engage in what’s called “necking.” It never goes beyond that, because most of them are pretty good kids and understand that bearing children is for marriage, and so is the child-making thing. That understanding allows them to be there in the first place. Innocence—even such compromised and sometimes failing innocence as we possess in a healthy culture—makes for freedom. You will have to tell the audience that there is no necking anymore. You will tell them that, as a rule, it is either sex or nothing. For the worst or the weakest among us, then, there is danger and heartbreak and, eventually, the protective callus of nihilism, even the shedding of blood. For the purest among us, and the most responsible, there is loneliness.
They have dances all the time, don’t they? Merry things that bring out young people in flocks, chaperoned by their elders, who usually partake in the dancing too, since music and dance are shared by all. Hardly a week goes by without a big dance somewhere. You will tell them that that’s all gone. You will tell them that the older generation feels absolutely no duty to bring young people together in a healthy and decent way. They are too busy engaging in their own debauches, or they are simply alienated. They wouldn’t know where to begin.
“Where is the sweetness of young love?” they ask you. “Don’t people get married anymore?” You point their attention to their streets. There are families in every house. Sometimes it’s a grandmother and grandfather whose children have moved “away,” to the next block over, or across town, or, since this is America, to the neighboring county. Otherwise it’s a mother and father with children, and the children are everywhere. If the weather is fair, you can hear the music of their games. A boy covers his eyes with his hands and leans against a telephone pole, counting down from 100 by fives, till he cries out, “Ready or not, here I come!” Or is that a ball that’s scooting through the “outfield” down the pavement, while the kids cry, “Go, go, go”? What crime can such a place fear, when the streets and alleyways and back yards and porches are governed by spies more restless than any the CIA have ever trained, not to mention their grandmothers rocking on their porches and chatting with one another? Tell them that that is gone.
Tell them that a majority of the houses have no children in them. Tell them that this house here has a married couple who have no children, because they don’t want any. Tell them that in these houses some people are shacking up. Tell them that a single woman has bought that house. Tell them that two men live in that other one. Tell them that youth is spent not thinking about marriage and then being married, nor even thinking about love and being in love, but thinking about money, college, career, and sex. Tell them that because of these habits, the houses grow more and more expensive, because more and more “households” are chasing them, households that are not households really, but atoms of self-fashioning.
Tell them that there are by far more women in the workplace than ever before, and that they are respected lawyers, doctors, college professors, and career politicians. Tell them that we have cracked the back of public racism, so that there are no more segregated hotels or restaurants or schools or businesses. Tell them also that there are by far more women living alone than ever before. Tell them about “trigger warnings” and anti-depressant drugs and boys who are persuaded by their mothers that they are “really” girls and that they want to have their genitals cut off. Tell them that nearly half of all marriages end in divorce. Tell them that far more than half of long sexual liaisons end in “divorce.” Tell them that three out of four black children in America are born out of wedlock. Tell them that one out of three young black men will spend time in prison.
Then there are things you can’t tell at all, because words would not suffice, or because any attempt on your part to describe them would be met with blank incomprehension or disbelief. So you will have to show them. Bring a single copy of a women’s magazine chosen at random. Bring a copy of Men’s Health. Bring pictures from a Gay Pride parade. Bring a five minute clip of a television “comedy” again chosen at random. Bring the sex education curriculum for fifth graders in a school district in the United States or Canada. Go to the Young Adult Fiction stacks at your local library, shut your eyes, and bring the first book your hand grasps.
Bring a five minute clip of The View, or of a public high school cafeteria at lunchtime. Bring a typical video game. Bring photographs of the interior of their churches during services, or of the parking lot where the church used to be. Bring a copy of one of the “art” weeklies in their metropolitan area, and be sure it features the advice column of Dan Savage, or the personal ads.
Go to what was once an ethnic neighborhood in an old city, and take pictures, plenty of pictures, of gang graffiti, “gentrified” homes turned into law offices, and alleys empty of children. Bring a picture of the security guard posted at a local high school.
Try to explain that some people want to let confused boys strip and shower in a girls’ locker room. Try to explain same-sex mirage. Try to explain that women are going to be sent to the front lines. Try to explain the fifty or some odd “genders,” two of them genders and the rest of them odd. Try to explain that everything they take for granted about the role of religion in public life is abominated. Try to explain the new meaning of “theocratic.”
Bring an ultrasound picture of a child in the womb. Try to explain that the same people who have seen these wondrous pictures believe in the right to cut that child to ribbons, as the fail-safe for fornication or careerism. Try to explain the Belgian Quik-Mart Suicide vans. Try to explain that syphilis and gonorrhea have recruited about thirty more diseases to join their ranks. Try to explain why teenage girls are prone to gonorrhea of the throat. Try to explain “feminism” and why it champions that same “empowerment” of the girls, with the concomitant corruption of the boys. Try to explain why church after church fell to the sibilant seducer of the age, who was “a murderer from the beginning,” and “a liar and the father of lies.” Place a photograph of an episcopal pederast or protector of pederasts beside a photograph of Fulton Sheen, and try to explain why the former was a media darling, but the latter an object of posthumous scorn.
Take an old prayer book and a scissors, and cut from the book every prayer that has been dismissed or forgotten. Take an old hymnal, and cut from it every song that was meant to stir the heart of the Christian soldier. Take an old Catholic calendar, and black out every feast that has been de-feasted. Take a photograph of the interior of a Catholic church, and white out with acid every work of art that has been whitewashed or reduced to splinters and rubble.
Fall to your knees and beg forgiveness. Then get back in your time machine, return to the present, and begin the long slow process of restoration.

Friday, February 12, 2016

Bullying

Bullying message lost in all the LGBTI rainbow flag-waving

Children are terrible bullies. They are prone to dishing it out and being on the receiving end. When I was a kid I had a terrible stutter. Bullying? Tell me about it. At least I wasn’t fat. The fat kids really copped it, particularly in a girls school.
There weren’t any lesbians when I was at school. Like Queen Victoria, we hadn’t heard about them. But at boys schools there was often a boy in the outer group who was designated ‘‘gay’’, whether he turned out to be gay or not.
All these things still happen in schools, despite intensive anti-bullying policies. But these days most parents are aware that putting kids on the outer and intimidating them can make lives miserable and in extreme cases cause kids to feel suicidal. They have a right to expect that the schools cultivate an atmosphere of tolerance and sheer kindness towards people who seem different for whatever reason.
However, as reported by The Australian earlier this week, a lot of parents in Victoria are worried about a new program that by 2018 will become compulsory in that state. The program, Safe Schools, is ostensibly about bullying. Some parents have pulled their children out of state schools because of it.
For something purporting to be about bullying, there is nothing in the program about the usual victims — the fat, the slow, the very clever kids or stutterers — or anyone else who may have to endure bullying. This program really is nothing about bullying; it is about one group, and not a large one. Nor is it about tolerance or kindness. It is a radical form of sex education that promotes a fluid gender ideology. It is aimed at children as young as 11.
Don’t like the sex you are born with? Well, you can change it. If you are a boy who doesn’t like wearing the boys’ uniform, wear the girls’ one. There is a picture of a boy doing just that on the front cover of one of the booklets used. Boys in girls’ toilets, girls in boys’ toilets; that should be encouraged. Teachers should introduce discussion of gender in every aspect of school life. Children are actively discouraged from regarding heterosexuality as normal and even an innocent question about whether a baby is a boy or a girl is branded “heteronormative”.
Rainbow and purple days are encouraged, and parents are rarely consulted. One school even invited a drag queen. Some state MPs have had testimonies from parents who have claimed that where these events have happened, children who have been singled out as homophobic — for whatever reason: religious, ethical biological — are now the ones bullied as “unaccepting”.
There is more than just rainbow flag-waving going on. The Minus 18 website linked to the program is particularly explicit. Students who want to access this website are advised to ask the teachers to unblock it for them.
Says Lyle Shelton from the Australian Christian Lobby: “Parents have a right to know about this … Minus 18 talks about breast binding, penis tucking, oral sex and hook-ups, two virginities (one with a girl, one with a boy), and trivialises gonorrhoea. It is putting the ideology of Mardi Gras into schools. I went to Scott Ryan, deputy minister for education, about this and when we showed him some of the material he was horrified. The office raised it with then (education) minister (Christopher) Pyne, but we got nowhere. Lobbying failed so we have stepped up the public campaign. Parents have a right to know.”
The researchers who put the program together knew that parents would object and set out to woo government departments and teachers for when parents complained (not if).
The ACL has been criticised by Greens senator Robert Simms for not supporting a program aimed at affirmation for the gay and lesbian students. But as the ACL points out, the program isn’t just aimed at support.
The Safe Schools program is aimed at the idea that any type of sexual experimentation and sexual fluidity and transgenderism, which some people regard as gender dysmorphia, is acceptable and good — even in this age of children being prematurely sexualised.
But in reality this is a cultural push that is going hand in hand with a political push steamrollering us.
With a plebiscite on same-sex marriage looming, it is no wonder that at some schools the purple days also have included marriage equality slogans, even though schools have been warned to keep politics out of the discussion of sex and gender issues.
If same-sex marriage becomes legal it will be difficult for any schools to remain aloof from the encroachments of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex lobby’s education policies, including the Safe Schools program.
These types of sex education programs have been adopted in other parts of the world following on from same-sex marriage, including in The Netherlands, Britain, Ireland, parts of the US and recently Alberta, Canada.
Victorian Premier Daniel Andrews went to the election with a promise to the LGBTI lobby to make the program mandatory by 2018. Victoria, it turns out, is a bellwether for the rest of the country for radical gender laws.
So who is bullying whom?

Thursday, January 28, 2016

FollyOfFireFightingFromAbove


Quadrant Online
ROGER UNDERWOOD

Water Bombing and Magic Bullets

If press releases and photo ops could put out fires, no bush town would ever again need to fear the flames of summer. The sad and simple fact, however, is that they achieve little at enormous cost. Is it any wonder empire-building bureaucrats love them so?

In religion and politics, people’s beliefs and convictions are in almost every case gotten at second hand, and without examination, from authorities who have not themselves examined the questions at issue but have taken them at second-hand from other non-examiners, whose opinions about them were not worth a brass farthing. – Mark Twain
____________________________
dc-10 bomberBack in the summer of 1960/61, when I was training to become a forestry officer, I was unlucky enough to be caught up as a firefighter in the great bushfires of that year.  In the Dwellingup Fire, three towns were burnt out; a further town was burned out at Karridale, and in the lower southwest a massive fire took out thousands of hectares of beautiful karri forest south of Pemberton. This last fire was only contained when it ran into the southern ocean near Windy Harbour.
It was in the wake of these fires that I first began to glimpse the depth of the ignorance about bushfires that was then, and is still today, evident in Australian society. This was demonstrated by a series of letters to the editor published in the wake of those fires in The West Australian newspaper. In these, well-meaning citizens proposed solutions to the bushfire problem in south-west forests. Many of these suggestions were so outlandish as to be laughable – for example, one writer urged the government to construct low stone walls all through the forest, modelled on the drystone walls he had seen on the moors of Scotland. Another advocated the installation of a reticulated sprinkler system over millions of acres of forest.  How construction and maintenance of this system was to be funded, and where the water was to come from, were not explained.  Yet another suggestion was to line up hundreds of 44-gallon barrels of gunpowder across the fire front, to be discharged just as the fire arrived, blowing it out.
More recently, a Perth environmentalist proposed that the government station an army of firefighters permanently in the forest throughout the fire season, day and night. They would be so numerous, and so well placed, that any fire that started could be attacked and suppressed within minutes of starting. There was no suggestion as to how this army was to be recruited, trained, sustained in the field and paid for. Given that a fire in heavy fuels in the jarrah forest, even under normal summer weather conditions, can escalate from a spot fire to a crown fire in about fifteen minutes, I estimate that the number of firefighters needed to cover the two million hectares of forest would need to be of the order of 4 million men.
And only the other day I read a proposal, from a learned professor at the Australian National University, that the entire Australian forest estate be crisscrossed with parallel roads, two hundred metres or so apart, allowing the intervening strip to be regularly subjected to controlled burning, thus enabling wildfires to be contained in the low-fuel strips. No thought was given to the cost of building and maintaining the roads, especially in mountain country, let alone the fact that it would not work. Fires in heavy fuels in eucalypt forest can throw spot fires for kilometres, making any network of narrow, fuel-reduced strips just as meaningless as a low stone wall.
The modern equivalent of these stories are the calls for the government to increase its fleet of aerial water bombers, specifically the gargantuan DC10, or Very Large Air Tanker (VLAT). There are letters to the editor nearly every day for more and larger aircraft from retired politicians, callers to talk-back radio, representatives of the aviation industry and journalists. Water bombing aircraft are also beloved of the uniformed firemen who dominate our emergency services, because they are the ultimate expression of “wet firefighting”. Wet firefighting is fighting fires with water; uniformed firemen everywhere have been trained to know it is the only approach.
Thus, the water bomber is seen as the magic bullet, the answer to the bushfire maiden’s prayer.
Interestingly, nothing along these lines is heard from the land management fraternity (of which I am one). We advocate fire prevention and damage mitigation, with firefighting as the last resort, only needed when an effective land management program has broken down. We understand that forest fires must be fought “dry” — with bulldozers constructing fire lines, along which crews can move to contain and mop-up the fire edge. In this approach water is used for mopping up the fire edge, but not for constructing the edge, which (in forest country) it cannot do. We regard the growing reliance on water bombing as futile, foolish and wasteful.
Here I need to pause briefly and remind myself of the cautionary words of my father (who was a scientist, a philosopher, a teacher and a man of great tolerance): “Roger,” he admonished me one day when I was sounding off about something, “there is a big difference between being a fool and being misinformed”.
This is all very well. But when it comes to bushfires, the misinformed are now in charge, or they are subject to political influence and manoeuvring by lobby groups who have no interest in effective bushfire management, such as the Australian Greens and the aviation industry.  Misinformation thus leads to foolish decisions, and these in turn to  bushfire disasters.
Indeed, the calls for investment in more and bigger aerial water bombers rather than in effective pre-emption of bushfire damage is the classic demonstration of misinformed people making foolish proposals. Every experienced fire fighter in Australia (and in the USA and Canada) knows that water bombers can never control an intense forest wildfire.
Consider these factors:
  • Firstly, because of atmospheric turbulence and smoke, water bombing aircraft cannot get at the seat of a rampaging forest fire;  they must stand off from the head, and then the drop is evaporated by radiant heat well before the flames arrive;
  • Secondly, in tall, dense forest, the water drop often cannot penetrate the canopy in sufficient volume to make a difference – it is intercepted by the tree crowns. This occurred over and again in the recent fire in ash forest in the Otway Ranges in Victoria. The delivered water simply did not get to the ground.
  • Thirdly, water bombers cannot (or do not) operate at night and under high winds, the very conditions when the most damaging forest fires occur.  Three of the last four towns to burn in WA, and both towns that burned in Victoria in 2009, burned at night.
  • Fourth, water bombing is extremely dangerous for aircrew, as the aircraft are operating at low altitude, in uncontrolled airspace with poor visibility.  It is only a matter of time before there is a shocking accident and an aircrew fatality.
  • Water bombing can also be dangerous to people on the ground.  If the drop from a Very Large Air Tanker is made from only marginally too low, the huge tonnage of water is capable of smashing houses and vehicles and killing firefighters;
  • Fifth, water bombers use vast quantities of fresh water, probably one of the most precious resources in Australia, especially in Western Australia where the current drought is over 30 years in duration and reservoirs and ground water aquifers are drying up. Sea water could be used, provided the tankers have access to it, but dropping salt water onto catchment areas or farms would only add to the problems caused by the fire.
Finally, the whole business is obscenely expensive. The merest little helicopter water bomber costs a dollar a second for every second it is in the air, while the “Elvis” firecrane hired from the USA is about ten times more expensive. The Very Large Air Tanker operating out of NSW this year is said to cost nearly $50,000 an hour for every hour it is in the air, and not much less when it is simply on standby on the ground. And to this must be added the cost of the smaller aeroplane that flies ahead of the VLAT to mark its dropping target.
I have no idea what the “carbon footprint” of a VLAT is, as it has never been mentioned, especially by the environmentalists who are so enamoured of it, but it must be significant.
I am not completely against water bombing. I am happy to see a small number of light water bombers stationed around the southwest, because they can do useful work assisting ground crews in the control of relatively mild-intensity bushfires, and under some circumstances can “hold” a fire in a remote spot until the ground crews arrive, or can drench a house threatened by a grass fire. What I oppose is the ramping-up of the business to the extent we are now seeing in Australia, along with all the publicity that suggests this is not just a good thing, but is the responsiblething to do (when the opposite is the case).  And I hate the sheer waste involved, not just of dollars, but the futile dropping of precious fresh water onto a raging forest fire, making not one iota of difference.
How well I recall the most recent bushfire in Kings Park in Perth. The air was thick with water bombing helicopters and fixed wing aeroplanes, dropping load after load of water, but the fire was only contained when it ran into the Swan River. Remembering this reminded me of the words of Stephen Pyne, the world’s foremost bushfire historian and commentator:
“Air tankers are primarily political theatre, and only secondarily part of fire control. They have their place.  But they dislodge attention from truly effective measures”. 
Jerry Williams, probably the most respected forest fire manager in the USA has also commented on this issue:
“The airtanker has become a symbol in the public’s (and politician’s) minds.  At a meeting two years ago, a former hotshot [bushfire] superintendent was asked, based on his long experience, what was the effectiveness of airtankers?  As I remember, he said, generously, less than 30%.  That fits with my experience”.
My frustration over all this is made more acute by re-reading the analysis of the trials of the DC10 VLAT by the CSIRO.  After a number of water dropping trials, the CSIRO concluded:
1.            Most of the drops featured a distinct pattern of break-up of the drop cloud in which a series of alternating thick and thin sections could be seen. The resulting drop footprints exhibited a corresponding pattern of heavy and light sections of coverage. Many of the light-coverage sections within the footprints were observed to allow the fire to pass across them with minimal slowing of spread rates.
2.            Two drops delivered in open woodlands (as opposed to heavy forest) penetrated through the canopy and provided a good coverage of surface fuels. One of these drops rained gently through the canopy under the influence of a headwind. Another drop caused severe damage, snapping off trees …This drop could have potentially injured people or damaged buildings …
The CSIRO scientists also looked at the effectiveness of the DC10 dropping fire-retardant chemicals in the forest across the path of the headfire, a technique frequently recommended by supporters of aerial tankers. They concluded that this approach would only succeed for very low intensity fires, due to the ease with which a more intense fire would “spot” over the retardant line.
Overall, the CSIRO’s conclusion of this study was that:
…on the evidence collected, this aircraft is not suitable for achieving effective [bushfire] suppression under most Australian conditions.
Unfortunately, the CSIRO did not look at the Western Australian situation, where there are significant operational constraints. As far as I know we have only two airfields in the south-west that the DC10 can use: Perth Airport, where it would compete for airspace with passenger jumbo jets, and the military airfield at Pearce, which is well north of the south-west forest zone, giving long ferry times between drops.  Furthermore, the operation of the DC10 requires a staff of over thirty, most of whom are doing nothing for most of the time.
During a fire attack, the VLAT is led in by a second aircraft, whose job is to mark the drop zone. This is further crowding the air space over the fire. Turn-around re-fuelling and water or retardant reloading of the VLAT between drops takes up to an hour on the ground … by which time the fire could already have outflanked the initial drop.
Despite all this, calls for the acquisition of a DC10 water bomber continue to come in thick and fast.
The explanation for this popularity was given to me by a chief in the Californian Fire Service with whom I became friends at an international conference on bushfires in Washington in 2011. There was not a single bushfire professional in the USA who supported the massive investment in aerial water bombing that has occurred in recent years, he said.  In the first place it was known that they were ineffective on anything but a relatively mild forest fire, and even then only operated as support to firefighters on the ground. In the second place, their cost was so great that every other part of the fire and forest management system had to be sacrificed to fund them.
On the other hand, my friend explained, the whole shebang had taken on a political and media life of its own. Nobody cared whether or not it was cost-effective; the important thing was that it made fantastic television and the politicians and emergency service chiefs who ordered them could bask in a glow of popular acclaim and adulation in the media. City people, with no bushfire experience or any understanding of the effectiveness of the water bombers, are seduced by their glamour and drama. Water bombing, as a friend remarked, is not firefighting but “theatre for the masses”.
As I write, the media support for water bombers in Australia is becoming almost hysterical. The Gold Medal goes to radio compere Ian McNamara of “Macca on a Sunday Morning” fame. He said it is a “no brainer” to have multiple air forces of water bombers stationed all over the country, the more the better.  Macca, of course, knows nothing about bushfire management, but he is influenced by the chattering classes, especially the Greens, who see the water bomber as a substitute for fuel reduction burning, which they hate.
Without doubt, the most insidious contribution to the water bombing issue comes from an alliance between the Australian aviation industry and journalists. The aviation industry sees the ramping-up of aerial firefighting as good business. They have no interest in its effectiveness; their game is to sell or hire more aircraft — the bigger and more expensive those aircraft, the better.  And they need no advertising program! This is provided for free by the Australian media.
There is also the question of political lobbying. In the US, the water bombing industry has become massively lucrative to the aviation firms who operate the aircraft. This puts the industry in a strong position to influence political decision-makers.  The aviation industry in Australia is not yet politically active (as far as I know), but it will not be long before they are blatantly buying political support. They will also be the first to oppose a proper cost/benefit study, especially one that looks at the effectiveness of water bombers in the fires that matter, i.e., those that kill people and destroy towns, and which burn at night or under the influence of strong winds.
The approach of the aviation industry is reprehensible, but understandable, because it is the way salesmen and business lobbyists always operate. What is not acceptable is the way the love affair between journalists and aerial water bombers is leading to terrible investment decisions by politician. Cost/effectiveness is never discussed. It is enough that water bombers make grand television and dramatic pictures.  Our local newspaper  in Western Australia rarely has a photograph of a firefighter these days.  Every fire story is accompanied by a picture of a water bomber, sweeping in overhead and ejecting its load of water. The West Australian newspaper also has aviation correspondent Geoffrey “Biggles” Thomas, who writes a regular column.  He is an unabashed supporter of the aviation industry, and blatantly promotes investment in more and bigger water bombers without a molecule of analysis of their effectiveness or costs.
I realise I am wasting my breath. With the adulation of the media, the lobbying of gullible politicians by the aviation industry, the support from populists like “Macca”, and the influence of the Greens and the uniformed firemen, the outcome is foregone. By next summer, Western Australia will be mimicking the basket-case jurisdictions in Victoria and NSW, and will be acquiring more helicopters, perhaps even the proven-to-be-useless and obscenely expensive DC10 hired in from America. All of this will be funded by a multi-million dollar budget. At the same time, resourcing of fuel reduction burning and other programs for improving bushfire prevention, damage mitigation and townsite protection, will languish.
I do remember my father’s words – you cannot call someone foolish who is merely misinformed. But in the bushfire world I have seen, too many times, the dangerous outcomes that flow when the misinformed make foolish decisions.
As I wrote elsewhere a year or so ago:
… the most fundamental tool of the bushfire manager is not the fire tanker, the bulldozer, or even the water bomber. It is the match. The only way to minimise fire intensity and damage is by reducing the amount of fuel before a fire starts. Military people refer to this approach as the pre-emptive strike … we call it fuel reduction.  
I also remind myself of the words of the great Victorian forester and administrator Alf Leslie. He had a favourite saying: “When it comes to public policy, stupidity nearly always wins”.
Never is this better illustrated than in the way our bushfire authorities and the greater community have been seduced by the glamour of the water bomber. This is the ultimate in stupid policy: a publicly funded program that is, at the same time, expensive and useless.
Roger Underwood is a retired forester and chairman of The Bushfire Front, a volunteer organisation dedicated to getting bushfire management in WA back on the rails

Monday, January 18, 2016

WillTheLeftNeverLearn

Left needs a crash course in learning from its disasters

More than 22 months after the disappearance of flight MH370, the people at ABC Radio National are getting impatient.
“I know you’ll say you’ll find it by June, but if you don’t, is this a bad look for the aviation industry?” Sarah Dingle asked Australian Air Transport Safety Bureau commissioner Martin Dolan.
Dolan took a second or two to compose himself before replying: “Our aim is to find the aircraft so we can help solve the mystery.”
Far from being a bad look, the methodical determination to find the missing Boeing 777 is a credit to an industry that has a rare capacity to learn from its mistakes.
In 1985 there were roughly 12 million commercial flights and 19 crashes. In 2014, the year MH370 disappeared, there were 32 million flights and eight ­crashes.
Aviation’s capacity for self-­improvement stems from a culture that Matthew Syed calls “black box thinking”.
“It is about creating systems and cultures that enable organisations to learn from errors rather than be threatened by them,” Syed writes.
“Failure is rich in learning opportunities for a simple reason: it represents a violation of expectation. It is showing us that the world is in some sense different from the way we imagined it.”
The ability to accept a world that is different from our expectations requires a degree of self-­reflection, which is possibly why black box thinking is seldom applied in public policy.
If only the political class was willing to comb through the wreckage of its disasters as assiduously as aircraft builders, operators and pilots do theirs. Oh that they would reflect on their flawed assumptions and resolve to never make the same mistakes again.
Instead they are locked in a closed loop in which evidence of failure is misconstrued or ignored. Closed loops lead to stagnancy; open loops drive progress.
Syed’s recent book, loquaciously titled Black Box Thinking: The Surprising Truth About Success (and Why Some People Never Learn from Their Mistakes), offers a perspective on innovation that the private sector will readily ­embrace.
Its subtle political message is likely to be lost, however, not least on the Left, where an inability to question its static world view has stunted its capacity for improvement.
In the early 1990s, after the collapse of the Soviet empire, there seemed to be no arguments left for socialism. West Germans were driving Audis, BMWs and Mercedes; East Germans were driving Trabants. Americans pushed trolleys around Walmart while the Russians queued for toilet paper.
Yet since the 2008-09 financial crisis, socialism is back in fashion. A recent New York Times/CBS poll found 56 per cent of Democratic voters had a positive view of socialism. They have an avowedly socialist presidential candidate in Bernie Sanders who is giving Hillary Clinton a run for her money. In Britain, Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn wears socialism as a badge of honour.
While the Australian Left has been slower to embrace the label, its corollary — antagonism towards the free market — is deeply entrenched. So, too, is a preoccupation with equality as the defining political principle.
The words “growth” and “prosperity” are no longer used on the Left unless they are tempered by an adjective. Growth must be “inclusive” and prosperity “sustainable”.
Like the hipster beard and pork-pie hat, the retro fashion for socialism begs an explanation. The conservative philosopher Roger Scruton throws some light on the matter in a recently released survey of postwar left-wing intellectualism, Fools, Frauds and Firebrands.
With hindsight the market-centred economic policies that the Centre-Left embraced in the 80s and 90s turned out to be a brief flirtation with pragmatism. Today’s new Left may dress in different clothes from its 20th-century predecessors, but its philosophical basis remains remarkably unchanged.
Scruton’s patient critique of major left-wing intellectuals since the war — from Jean-Paul Sartre and Michel Foucault to Antonio Gramsci, Edward Said and Slavoj Zizek — helps explain the resilience of this barren thinking. Their postmodern, post-colonial, post-industrial philosophy dominates the curriculum in most faculties in the Western world.
It is little wonder that today’s cultural elite in politics and the media should emerge looking at the world through the same distorted prism.
“Leftists believe, with the Jacobins of the French Revolution, that the goods of this world are unjustly distributed and that the fault lies not in human nature but in usurpations practised by a dominant class,” writes Scruton. “They define themselves in opposition to established power, the champions of a new order that will rectify the ancient grievance of the oppressed.”
The restless causes of liberating victims and emancipation from the “structure” of an oppressive society are the abstract crusades that feed their sense of virtue. “The goal of ‘social justice’ is no longer equality before the law, or the equal claim to the rights of citizenship ... The goal is a comprehensive rearrangement of society, so that its privileges, hierarchies, and even the unequal distribution of goods are either overcome or challenged.”
A fear of heresy and aversion to scepticism shields the Left’s ­assumptions from challenge.
One of the most important lessons of the last century — that the pursuit of equality comes at the expense of liberty — is seldom ­considered.
“Why is it,” asks Scruton, “that after a century of socialist disasters and an intellectual legacy that has, time and again, been exploded, the left-wing position remains, as it were, the default position to which thinking people automatically gravitate?”
The lessons of history, however, hardly matter to the philosophers of the Left such as Zizek who refuse to allow awkward facts to get in their way.
“I am a good Hegelian,” he boasts. “If you have a good theory, forget about the reality.”
Nick Cater is executive director of the Menzies Research Centre.

Wednesday, January 06, 2016

SexualHarrasment?

Flirting with confected outrage fails to impress women

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Illustration: Eric Lobbecke
What a joke. West Indies cricketer Chris Gayle laughingly makes a pass on national television during an interview with Network Ten reporter Mel McLaughlin.
Predictably, commentators line up to condemn the man’s offensive behaviour as yet another example of vulnerable women needing protection from predatory men.
But the real lesson from this latest media beat-up was a very positive one.
It was great seeing McLaughlin so clearly able to handle Gayle’s banter — it’s a fine example for younger women to see such a confident professional woman able to bat off this type of flirtatious nonsense.
Equally, last year many people enjoyed watching Maria Sharapova flirting with a male reporter, telling him: “I was just admiring your form.”
Such harmless flirtation is not sexual harassment and luckily there are many in our community who resent the constant intrusion into enjoyable male-female interaction by thought police determined to stamp out any hint of what Helen Garner famously described as “Eros — the spark that ignites and connects”.
There are plenty of women who bristle at the present male-bashing climate where men are forced into tiptoeing around their female colleagues for fear they will be accused of saying or doing the wrong thing.
There are women who regret efforts to brand all compliments about their appearance as inappropriate and who want to retain the right to make their own ­choices about whether they enjoy male-female sexual banter and what they choose to do if it becomes offensive.
That’s the essence of what has gone wrong in the Jamie Briggs affair. The young woman concerned didn’t mention harassment, nor did she seek to make a formal complaint.
Given the trivial behaviour under discussion it’s not surprising she chose simply to ask Briggs’s chief of staff to let him know he had been out of line.
That’s exactly the approach recommended in these circumstances. Back in the 1970s when sexual harassment policies were first being framed in Australia, the focus in more trivial matters was all about education — setting up mediation so victims could convey their concerns to the perpetrators and teach them why their behaviour was inappropriate.
The aim was to clearly differentiate minor matters from serious concerns that required a punitive approach involving adjudication and possible criminal sanctions.
How this line has now blurred. What’s shocking about the Briggs case was that the woman’s sensible desire for a low-key approach was disregarded, with some politicians seeing the issue as a means of forcing Briggs out of the ministry.
This is what led to all the nonsense that has followed. Now we have Malcolm Turnbull jumping on board, bemoaning the impact of all this on the young woman concerned, when it was he and his colleagues who set the whole thing in play.
There’s a pattern emerging here as the Prime Minister seems determined to go overboard on such issues — stressing the seriousness of the “inappropriate behaviour” and making endless motherhood statements about “respect for women”.
He’s clearly convinced that playing the gender card wins votes from women.
He shouldn’t be so sure. He’s ignoring the lesson from recent political history where Julia Gillard’s misogyny speech ultimately failed to win votes from women who were unimpressed by her blatant effort to use gender politics to salvage her dwindling support.
Gender beat-ups may impress social commentators but leave many ordinary women unmoved.
Witness the reaction of many women to some of the high-profile sexual harassment cases that have played out in Australia, where women stand to gain so much by accusing men of unseemly behaviour. We’ve seen widespread public debate, led by female as well as male commentators, who are extremely cynical about the supposed innocence of many of the accusers.
Women know all too well that the truth in many of these situations is often a murky shade of grey.
There’s good reason female jurists make it harder to gain convictions in sexual consent cases. Notions of sisterhood often go out the window when it comes to making judgments about the behaviour of other women, precisely because we know that women are capable of matching any man when it comes to manipulative, duplicitous behaviour.
Many women were concerned by Turnbull’s first major policy announcement on domestic violence, which whitewashed this complex issue by presenting men as the only villains. When I wrote last year about research showing the prominent role women played in violence in the home, I received many supportive letters from women, including professionals working with families at risk from violent mothers and other women who had grown up in such homes, or had witnessed brothers, fathers, male friends experiencing violence at the hands of a woman.
Many commented how surprised they were that Turnbull made such an offensive, one-sided policy announcement.
Politicians who play gender politics risk antagonising not only men fed up with the constant male-bashing but also women determined not to live their lives as victims, women who want responsibility for aggressive, offensive behaviour to be sheeted home to the true perpetrators — male or female.