Thursday, May 26, 2011

The Truth About Greenhouse Gases

Article in First things http://www.firstthings.com/article/2011/05/the-truth-about-greenhouse-gases

The Truth About Greenhouse Gases
The dubious science of the climate crusaders.

The object of the Author in the following pages has been to collect the most remarkable instances of those moral epidemics which have been excited, sometimes by one cause and sometimes by another, and to show how easily the masses have been led astray, and how imitative and gregarious men are, even in their infatuations and crimes,” wrote Charles Mackay in the preface to the first edition of his Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds. I want to discuss a contemporary moral epidemic: the notion that increasing atmospheric concentrations of greenhouse gases, notably carbon dioxide, will have disastrous consequences for mankind and for the planet. The “climate crusade” is one characterized by true believers, opportunists, cynics, money-hungry governments, manipulators of various types—even children’s crusades—all based on contested science and dubious claims.

I am a strong supporter of a clean environment. We need to be vigilant to keep our land, air, and waters free of real pollution, particulates, heavy metals, and pathogens, but carbon dioxide (CO2 ) is not one of these pollutants. Carbon is the stuff of life. Our bodies are made of carbon. A normal human exhales around 1 kg of CO2 (the simplest chemically stable molecule of carbon in the earth’s atmosphere) per day. Before the industrial period, the concentration of CO2 in the atmosphere was 270 ppm. At the present time, the concentration is about 390 ppm, 0.039 percent of all atmospheric molecules and less than 1 percent of that in our breath. About fifty million years ago, a brief moment in the long history of life on earth, geological evidence indicates, CO2 levels were several thousand ppm, much higher than now. And life flourished abundantly.

Now the Environmental Protection Agency wants to regulate atmospheric CO2 as a “pollutant.” According to my Webster’s New Collegiate Dictionary, to pollute is “to make or render unclean, to defile, to desecrate, to profane.” By breathing are we rendering the air unclean, defiling or desecrating it? Efforts are underway to remedy the old-fashioned, restrictive definition of pollution. The current Wikipedia entry on air pollution, for example, now asserts that pollution includes: “carbon dioxide (CO2)—a colorless, odorless, non-toxic greenhouse gas associated with ocean acidification, emitted from sources such as combustion, cement production, and respiration.”

As far as green plants are concerned, CO2 is not a pollutant, but part of their daily bread—like water, sunlight, nitrogen, and other essential elements. Most green plants evolved at CO2 levels of several thousand ppm, many times higher than now. Plants grow better and have better flowers and fruit at higher levels. Commercial greenhouse operators recognize this when they artificially increase the concentrations inside their greenhouses to over 1000 ppm.

Wallis Simpson, the woman for whom King Edward VIII renounced the British throne, supposedly said, “A woman can’t be too rich or too thin.” But in reality, you can get too much or too little of a good thing. Whether we should be glad or worried about increasing levels of CO2 depends on quantitative numbers, not just qualitative considerations.

How close is the current atmosphere to the upper or lower limit for CO2? Did we have just the right concentration at the preindustrial level of 270 ppm? Reading breathless media reports about CO2 “pollution” and about minimizing our carbon footprints, one might think that the earth cannot have too little CO2, as Simpson thought one couldn’t be too thin—a view which was also overstated, as we have seen from the sad effects of anorexia in so many young women. Various geo-engineering schemes are being discussed for scrubbing CO2 from the air and cleansing the atmosphere of the “pollutant.” There is no lower limit for human beings, but there is for human life. We would be perfectly healthy in a world with little or no atmospheric CO2—except that we would have nothing to eat and a few other minor inconveniences, because most plants stop growing if the levels drop much below 150 ppm. If we want to continue to be fed and clothed by the products of green plants, we can have too little CO2.

The minimum acceptable value for plants is not that much below the 270 ppm preindustrial value. It is possible that this is not enough, that we are better off with our current level, and would be better off with more still. There is evidence that California orange groves are about 30 percent more productive today than they were 150 years ago because of the increase of atmospheric CO2.

Although human beings and many other animals would do well with no CO2 at all in the air, there is an upper limit that we can tolerate. Inhaling air with a concentration of a few percent, similar to the concentration of the air we exhale, hinders the diffusional exchange of CO2 between the blood and gas in the lung. Both the United States Navy (for submariners) and nasa (for astronauts) have performed extensive studies of human tolerance to CO2. As a result of these studies, the Navy recommends an upper limit of about 8000 ppm for cruises of ninety days, and nasa recommends an upper limit of 5000 ppm for missions of one thousand days, both assuming a total pressure of one atmosphere. Higher levels are acceptable for missions of only a few days.

We conclude that atmospheric CO2 levels should be above 150 ppm to avoid harming green plants and below about 5000 ppm to avoid harming people. That is a very wide range, and our atmosphere is much closer to the lower end than to the upper end. The current rate of burning fossil fuels adds about 2 ppm per year to the atmosphere, so that getting from the current level to 1000 ppm would take about 300 years—and 1000 ppm is still less than what most plants would prefer, and much less than either the nasa or the Navy limit for human beings.

Yet there are strident calls for immediately stopping further increases in CO2 levels and reducing the current level. As we have discussed, animals would not even notice a doubling of CO2 and plants would love it. The supposed reason for limiting it is to stop global warming—or, since the predicted warming has failed to be nearly as large as computer models forecast, to stop climate change. Climate change itself has been embarrassingly uneventful, so another rationale for reducing CO2 is now promoted: to stop the hypothetical increase of extreme climate events like hurricanes or tornados. But this does not necessarily follow. The frequency of extreme events has either not changed or has decreased in the 150 years that CO2 levels have increased from 270 to 390 ppm.

Let me turn to some of the problems the non-pollutant CO2 is supposed to cause. More CO2 is supposed to cause flooded cities, parched agriculture, tropical diseases in Alaska, etc., and even an epidemic of kidney stones. It does indeed cause some warming of our planet, and we should thank Providence for that, because without the greenhouse warming of CO2 and its more potent partners, water vapor and clouds, the earth would be too cold to sustain its current abundance of life.

Other things being equal, more CO2 will cause more warming. The question is how much warming, and whether the increased CO2 and the warming it causes will be good or bad for the planet.

The argument starts something like this. CO2 levels have increased from about 280 ppm to 390 ppm over the past 150 years or so, and the earth has warmed by about 0.8 degree Celsius during that time. Therefore the warming is due to CO2. But correlation is not causation. Roosters crow every morning at sunrise, but that does not mean the rooster caused the sun to rise. The sun will still rise on Monday if you decide to have the rooster for Sunday dinner.

There have been many warmings and coolings in the past when the CO2 levels did not change. A well-known example is the medieval warming, about the year 1000, when the Vikings settled Greenland (when it was green) and wine was exported from England. This warm period was followed by the “little ice age” when the Thames would frequently freeze over during the winter. There is no evidence for significant increase of CO2 in the medieval warm period, nor for a significant decrease at the time of the subsequent little ice age. Documented famines with millions of deaths occurred during the little ice age because the cold weather killed the crops. Since the end of the little ice age, the earth has been warming in fits and starts, and humanity’s quality of life has improved accordingly.

A rare case of good correlation between CO2 levels and temperature is provided by ice-core records of the cycles of glacial and interglacial periods of the last million years of so. But these records show that changes in temperature preceded changes in CO2 levels, so that the levels were an effect of temperature changes. This was probably due to outgassing of CO2 from the warming oceans and the reverse effect when they cooled.

The most recent continental ice sheets began to melt some twenty thousand years ago. During the “Younger Dryas” some 12,000 years ago, the earth very dramatically cooled and warmed by as much as 10 degrees Celsius in fifty years.

The earth’s climate has always been changing. Our present global warming is not at all unusual by the standards of geological history, and it is probably benefiting the biosphere. Indeed, there is very little correlation between the estimates of CO2 and of the earth’s temperature over the past 550 million years (the “Phanerozoic” period). The message is clear that several factors must influence the earth’s temperature, and that while CO2 is one of these factors, it is seldom the dominant one. The other factors are not well understood. Plausible candidates are spontaneous variations of the complicated fluid flow patterns in the oceans and atmosphere of the earth—perhaps influenced by continental drift, volcanoes, variations of the earth’s orbital parameters (ellipticity, spin-axis orientation, etc.), asteroid and comet impacts, variations in the sun’s output (not only the visible radiation but the amount of ultraviolet light, and the solar wind with its magnetic field), variations in cosmic rays leading to variations in cloud cover, and other causes.

The existence of the little ice age and the medieval warm period were an embarrassment to the global-warming establishment, because they showed that the current warming is almost indistinguishable from previous warmings and coolings that had nothing to do with burning fossil fuel. The organization charged with producing scientific support for the climate change crusade, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), finally found a solution. They rewrote the climate history of the past 1000 years with the celebrated “hockey stick” temperature record.

The first IPCC report, issued in 1990, showed both the medieval warm period and the little ice age very clearly. In the IPCC’s 2001 report was a graph that purported to show the earth’s mean temperature since the year 1000. A yet more extreme version of the hockey stick graph made the cover of the Fiftieth Anniversary Report of the United Nation’s World Meteorological Organization. To the surprise of everyone who knew about the strong evidence for the little ice age and the medieval climate optimum, the graph showed a nearly constant temperature from the year 1000 until about 150 years ago, when the temperature began to rise abruptly like the blade of a hockey stick. The inference was that this was due to the anthropogenic “pollutant” CO2.

This damnatia memoriae of inconvenient facts was simply expunged from the 2001 IPCC report, much as Trotsky and Yezhov were removed from Stalin’s photographs by dark-room specialists in the later years of the dictator’s reign. There was no explanation of why both the medieval warm period and the little ice age, very clearly shown in the 1990 report, had simply disappeared eleven years later.

The IPCC and its worshipful supporters did their best to promote the hockey-stick temperature curve. But as John Adams remarked, “Facts are stubborn things, and whatever may be our wishes, our inclinations, or the dictates of our passion, they cannot alter the state of facts and evidence.” The hockey-stick curve caught the attention of two Canadians, Steve McIntyre, a mining consultant, and an academic statistician, Ross McKitrick. As they began to look more carefully at the original data—much of it from tree rings—and at the analysis that led to the hockey stick, they became more and more puzzled. By hard, remarkably detailed, and persistent work over many years, consistently frustrated in their efforts to obtain original data and data-analysis methods, they showed that the hockey stick was not supported by observational data. An excellent, recent history of this episode is A. W. Montford’s The Hockey Stick Illusion.

About the time of the Copenhagen Climate Conference in the fall of 2009, another nasty thing happened to the global-warming establishment. A Russian server released large numbers of e-mails and other files from computers of the Climate Research Unit (CRU) of the University of East Anglia. Among the files released were e-mails between members of the power structure of the climate crusade, “the team.” These files were, or should have been, very embarrassing to their senders and recipients. A senior scientist from CRU wrote, for example: “PS, I’m getting hassled by a couple of people to release the CRU station temperature data. Don’t any of you three tell anybody that the UK has a freedom of information act.”

A traditional way to maintain integrity in science is through peer review, the anonymous examination of a scientific paper by qualified, competing scientists before publication. In a responsible peer review, the authors may be required to make substantial revisions to correct any flaws in the science or methodology before their paper is published. But peer review has largely failed in climate science. Global warming alarmists have something like Gadaffi’s initial air superiority over rag-tag opponents in Libya.

Consider this comment from one of the most respected IPCC leaders, as revealed in the CRU e-mails: “I can’t see either of these papers being in the next IPCC report. Kevin and I will keep them out somehow—even if we have to define what the peer-review literature is.” And consider the CRU e-mail comment on a journal that committed the mortal sin of publishing one of the heretical papers: “I think we have to stop considering Climate Research as a legitimate peer-reviewed journal. Perhaps we should encourage our colleagues in the climate research community to no longer submit to, or cite papers in, this journal.” Peer review in climate science means that the “team” recommends publication of each other’s work, and tries to keep any off-message paper from being accepted for publication.

James Madison reminds us in The Federalist Papers that “no man is allowed to be a judge in his own cause, because his interest would certainly bias his judgment, and, not improbably, corrupt his integrity. With equal, nay with greater reason, a body of men are unfit to be both judges and parties at the same time.” Madison goes on to observe that the smaller the community, the more likely that parties and judges will be one and the same.

Let me summarize how the key issues appear to me, a working scientist with a better background than most in the physics of climate. CO2 really is a greenhouse gas and other things being equal, adding the gas to the atmosphere by burning coal, oil, and natural gas will modestly increase the surface temperature of the earth. Other things being equal, doubling the CO2 concentration, from our current 390 ppm to 780 ppm will directly cause about 1 degree Celsius in warming. At the current rate of CO2 increase in the atmosphere—about 2 ppm per year—it would take about 195 years to achieve this doubling. The combination of a slightly warmer earth and more CO2 will greatly increase the production of food, wood, fiber, and other products by green plants, so the increase will be good for the planet, and will easily outweigh any negative effects. Supposed calamities like the accelerated rise of sea level, ocean acidification, more extreme climate, tropical diseases near the poles, and so on are greatly exaggerated.

“Mitigation” and control efforts that have been proposed will enrich a favored few with good political ties—at the expense of the great majority of mankind, including especially the poor and the citizens of developing nations. These efforts will make almost no change in earth’s temperature. Spain’s recent experiment with green energy destroyed several pre-existing jobs for every green job it created, and it nearly brought the country to bankruptcy.

The frightening warnings that alarmists offer about the effects of doubling CO2 are based on computer models that assume that the direct warming effect of CO2 is multiplied by a large “feedback factor” from CO2-induced changes in water vapor and clouds, which supposedly contribute much more to the greenhouse warming of the earth than CO2. But there is observational evidence that the feedback factor is small and may even be negative. The models are not in good agreement with observations—even if they appear to fit the temperature rise over the last 150 years very well.

Indeed, the computer programs that produce climate change models have been “tuned” to get the desired answer. The values of various parameters like clouds and the concentrations of anthropogenic aerosols are adjusted to get the best fit to observations. And—perhaps partly because of that—they have been unsuccessful in predicting future climate, even over periods as short as fifteen years. In fact, the real values of most parameters, and the physics of how they affect the earth’s climate, are in most cases only roughly known, too roughly to supply accurate enough data for computer predictions. In my judgment, and in that of many other scientists familiar with the issues, the main problem with models has been their treatment of clouds, changes of which probably have a much bigger effect on the temperature of the earth than changing levels of CO2.

What, besides the bias toward a particular result, is wrong with the science? Scientific progress proceeds by the interplay of theory and observation. Theory explains observations and makes predictions about what will be observed in the future. Observations anchor our understanding and weed out the theories that don’t work. This has been the scientific method for more than three hundred years. Recently, the advent of the computer has made possible another branch of inquiry: computer simulation models. Properly used, computer models can enhance and speed up scientific progress. But they are not meant to replace theory and observation and to serve as an authority of their own. We know they fail in economics. All of the proposed controls that would have such a significant impact on the world’s economic future are based on computer models that are so complex and chaotic that many runs are needed before we can get an “average” answer. Yet the models have failed the simple scientific test of prediction. We don’t even have a theory for how accurate the models should be.

There are many honest, hardworking climate scientists who are trying to understand the effects of CO2 on climate, but their work has fallen under suspicion because of the hockey-stick scandal and many other exaggerations about the dangers of increasing CO2. What has transformed climate science from a normal intellectual discipline to a matter of so much controversy?

A major problem has been the co-opting of climate science by politics, ambition, greed, and what seems to be a hereditary human need for a righteous cause. What better cause than saving the planet? Especially if one can get ample, secure funding at the same time? Huge amounts of money are available from governments and wealthy foundations for climate institutes and for climate-related research.

Funding for climate studies is second only to funding for biological sciences. Large academic empires, prizes, elections to honorary societies, fellowships, and other perquisites go to those researchers whose results may help “save the planet.” Every day we read about some real or contrived environmental or ecological effect “proven” to arise from global warming. The total of such claimed effects now runs in the hundreds, all the alleged result of an unexceptional century-long warming of less than 1 degree Celsius. Government subsidies, loan guarantees, and captive customers go to green companies. Carbon-tax revenues flow to governments. As the great Russian poet Pushkin said in his novella Dubrovsky, “If there happens to be a trough, there will be pigs.” Any doubt about apocalyptic climate scenarios could remove many troughs.

What about those who doubt the scientific basis of these claims, or who simply don’t like what is being done to the scientific method they were taught to apply and uphold? Publications of contrary research results in mainstream journals are rare. The occasional heretical article is the result of an inevitable, protracted battle with those who support the dogma and who have their hands on the scales of peer review. As mentioned above, we know from the Climategate emails that the team conspired to prevent contrary publications from seeing the light of day and even discussed getting rid of an editor who seemed to be inclined to admit such contentious material.

Skeptics’ motives are publicly impugned; denigrating names are used routinely in media reports and the blogosphere; and we now see attempts to use the same tactics that Big Brother applied to the skeptical hero, Winston Smith, in Orwell’s 1984. In 2009 a conference of “ecopsychologists” was held at the University of West England to discuss the obvious psychological problems resident in those who do not adhere to the global warming dogma. The premise of these psychologists was that scientists and members of the general population who express objective doubt about the propagated view of global warming are suffering from a kind of mental illness. We know from the Soviet experience that a society can find it easy to consider dissidents to be mentally deranged and act accordingly.

The management of most scientific societies has enthusiastically signed on to the global warming bandwagon. This is not surprising, since governments, as well as many states and foundations, generously fund those who reinforce their desired outcomes under the cover of saving the planet. Certain private industries are also involved: those positioned to profit from enacted controls as well as financial institutions heavily invested in “green technologies” whose rationale disappears the moment global warming is widely understood to be a non-problem. There are known connections and movements of people involved in government policy, scientific societies, and private industry, all with the common thread of influencing the outcome of a set of programs and investments underpinned by the supposed threat of global warming.

My own trade union, the American Physical Society (APS), is a good example, but hardly the worst. An APS Council statement issued on November 18, 2007 states: “The evidence is incontrovertible: Global warming is occurring. If no mitigating actions are taken, significant disruptions in the Earth’s physical and ecological systems, social systems, security, and human health are likely to occur. We must reduce emissions of greenhouse gases beginning now.” This is pretty strong language for physicists, for whom skepticism about evidence was once considered a virtue, and nothing was incontrovertible.

In the fall of 2009 a petition, organized by Fellow of the American Physical Society, Roger Cohen, and containing the signatures of hundreds of distinguished APS members was presented to the APS management with a request that at least the truly embarrassing word “incontrovertible” be taken out of the statement. The APS management’s response was to threaten the petitioners, while grudgingly appointing a committee to consider the request. It was exactly what James Madison warned against. The committee included members whose careers depended on global warming alarmism, and the predictable result was that not one word was changed. Bad as the actions of the APS were, they were far better than those of most other scientific societies, which refused to even reconsider extreme statements on climate.

The situation is even more lamentable for the general public, which is fed a constant stream of propaganda by specialists in environmental issues from the mainstream media and well-funded alarmist blogs. Not unlike functionaries of Orwell’s Ministry of Truth in 1984, with its motto “Ignorance is Strength,” many members of the environmental news media dutifully and uncritically promote the party line of the climate crusade.

However, the situation is slowly getting better. Skeptics are more numerous and better organized than before. In a few cases, leading former adherents have publicly and courageously spoken out against the dogma and its core of establishment promoters. The IPCC itself has come under severe criticism by the international scientific establishment for its series of bizarre errors and organizational failings. Under pressure from a dissident group of Fellows, the Royal Society moved to meaningfully moderate its former radically alarmist position on global warming. And perhaps most important of all, public skepticism has increased significantly, and with it has come a major drop in support of the climate crusade’s attempt to seize control of the “pollutant,” CO2.

I began with a quotation from the preface of the first edition of Mackay’s Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds, and it is worth recalling now a quotation from the preface of the second edition: “Men, it has been well said, think in herds; it will be seen that they go mad in herds, while they only recover their senses slowly, one by one.”

In our efforts to conserve the created world, we should not concentrate our efforts on CO2. We should instead focus on issues like damage to local landscapes and waterways by strip mining, inadequate cleanup, hazards to miners, and the release of real pollutants and poisons like mercury, other heavy metals, and organic carcinogens. Much of the potential harm from coal mining can be eliminated, for example, by requirements that land be restored to a condition that is at least as good as, and preferably better than, when the mining began.

Life is about making decisions, and decisions are about trade-offs. We can choose to promote investment in technology that addresses real problems and scientific research that will let us cope with real problems more efficiently. Or we can be caught up in a crusade that seeks to suppress energy use, economic growth, and the benefits that come from the creation of national wealth.

William Happer is the Cyrus Fogg Brackett Professor of Physics at Princeton University.

Monday, April 25, 2011

Nuclear Hazards?

Radiation, activists and other hazards


ONE day in 2001, when I was working in the communications department of the Australian Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation, some anti-nuclear activists dropped by for a visit

It was a group of exuberant drama students from Western Australia who had been touring universities, performing a melodramatic play about the horrors of radiation. On this day, they joined one of the free tours of Lucas Heights, including the outdated little research reactor that had been safely fulfilling Australia's nuclear medicine requirements for more than 40 years.

A representative of one of many environmental organisations opposing the construction of a new reactor was accompanying them. When the tour finished, I recall, the ANSTO tour guides were astonished about how little the man who was supposed to be one of Australia's anti-nuclear experts knew about nuclear science.

All of this might now be forgotten except that some days later, the students returned to Lucas Heights. They frolicked for the cameras around the entrance to the site dressed in barrels and handcuffed themselves to the gates, while others climbed the containment building and unfurled a Greenpeace banner.

The media were invited along, and the pictures were splashed across the television news. It was a public relations triumph for Greenpeace.

What failed to make the news is that over the next few days, reports began to filter back to ANSTO about the disruption the protest caused to medical procedures across Australia and overseas. Scores of important diagnostic and other medical procedures were postponed or missed altogether. Some people in the final stages of bone cancer missed out on receiving sophisticated pain relief medication. I started to take phone calls from worried local residents.

In the intervening years, anti-nuclear activism in Australia has not improved. Take Chernobyl for example. Tomorrow is the 25th anniversary of the world's worst nuclear accident, and opinions of the same anti-nuclear experts I encountered 10 years ago can be found in newspapers and on websites.

These opinions always involve outlandish figures of casualties derived from theoretical extrapolations; they argue that if so much radiation was released, then so many people -- always a large number -- must have died. Happily, these arguments are not supported by experience.

The definitive study, described by the International Atomic Energy Agency as the "most comprehensive analysis on human exposures and health consequences of the Chernobyl accident" was produced by the UN Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation.

The UNSCEAR report was assembled by the world's top scientists, epidemiologists and medical professionals after producing and examining hundreds of studies. It was presented to the UN General Assembly in 2000 and has been regularly updated ever since.

The report found that 134 plant staff and emergency workers at Chernobyl suffered acute radiation syndrome. In the first few months after the accident 28 of them died and, by 2006, another 19 died of causes not usually associated with radiation exposure.

The experts were surprised they could not find the diseases they expected to find in populations of people exposed to significant doses of radiation. The prevalence of birth defects and cancers such as leukaemia were no higher than were being experienced before the accident, even among the 600 surviving workers, many of whom received large radiation doses.

The singular exception to this was the incidence of thyroid cancer in local children. A large increase in cases is now thought to be the result of authorities allowing milk from contaminated areas to continue to be sold.

By 2005, about 6000 cases of thyroid cancer in children had been recorded in neighbouring areas, many more than would be otherwise expected. This was a terrible outcome, but since thyroid cancer is treatable, only 15 people had died by 2005.

Further casualties cannot be ruled out but astonishingly, to this day, the deaths that can be attributed to the worst nuclear accident in history are fewer than 100, and are probably closer to 50.

While direct casualties were surprisingly low, the UNSCEAR authors were disturbed to find numerous studies showing that fear of radiation had caused significant increases in the numbers of abortions and suicides, even in regions far removed from Chernobyl. They concluded the mental health impact of Chernobyl was "the largest public health problem unleashed by the accident to date".

Without doubt, Fukushima will also rate as one of the world's worst nuclear accidents, but all indications are that it is not nearly as severe as Chernobyl. The radiation emanating from Fukushima has been considerably lower, while exposures to emergency workers and local populations have been far better managed.

Amazingly, despite the devastation of the site, there have been no radiation-related deaths at Fukushima so far, and only two workers have been hospitalised as a precaution.

The only people to have perished at Fukushima were a man who became trapped in the console of a crane during the earthquake and two who were swept away by the tsunami. The entire toll from the earthquake, remember, is estimated at about 25,000.

While it is not yet over, and radioactivity continues to come out of the devastated plant, the good news is that there are still precisely zero deaths attributable to the release of radiation at the plant, and on the basis of doses received, zero are expected.

No effects on health or significant contamination cases have been identified among the general public evacuated from the area, despite the fact the accident has devastated the plant, and involved fires, explosions, and releases of radioactivity. If there is a single lesson from Chernobyl for the Japanese, it's that in the years to come misinformation is likely to be more dangerous than radiation. To this end, there is nothing harmless about anti-nuclear activists.

Gavin Atkins blogs at www.asiancorrespondent.com

Saturday, April 16, 2011

WesternsDownfall??

American Thinker article

The Writing On The (Great) Wall

By John Droz, Jr.
It should be no surprise that there are other large countries who don't like the fact that the U.S. is the world's dominant power -- and they would like to take over our position.

Since we are aware of this friction, we tend to think that our biggest threat is from some other country's military. But clearly a direct war would be foolhardy, as there would be no winner from such a conflict.

Our opponents are well aware of this, and have embarked on another scheme. The reality is that we are already under a full assault, but very few are paying attention. Think about it: what would be their best strategy to dethrone us?

A very powerful game plan would consist of a two-part strategy:

1) bankrupting the US; and

2) getting the US to voluntarily slow down its rate of industrialization, giving an opponent the time to overtake us.

Is the (CFL) light bulb going on?

By any financial measure we are in extremely dire circumstances. Unfunded liabilities are in the trillions of dollars. Additionally our society has evolved away from being producers of hard products to providers of soft services. Essentially all levels of public sector employment (government) are at record highs.

Periodically someone gets arrested for promoting a Ponzi scheme, but a critical look would conclude that a lot of how our government works seems disturbingly similar to such charades. For instance, how long can we continue to just print colored water-marked paper to cover our debts? How long can one branch of the government keep writing IOUs to another branch?

A direct consequence of our past success is that we are evolving into a more pampered entitlement society, focused on short term thinking. Delayed gratification is as common a concept as is darning socks. We want it, and want it now!

A corollary to this is that few people really work for rewards anymore. Just showing up and going through the motions for a piddling 20 years now entitles many government employees to lifelong pensions at 80% pay (with medical benefits, of course).

Where did all these materialistic ideas and values come from? Read our history. The US was founded by people with strong religious beliefs. Our competitors are promoting communism and socialism. Which direction are we going now?

"Wait!" some might object. "I don't see any advertisements (on TV, billboards, etc.) for communism and socialism, so how is this being promoted?"

If you really want the answer, look no further than our education system. There are experts who believe that our system is deliberately dumbing us down. The details of that are too long for this overview article, but the answer is there. Amazingly, the undermining of our education system has only taken some 40± years, partly due to a UNESCO-inspired curriculum and reform measures that are replacing excellence with functionality.

"All right," you might say, "it's undeniable that we're in a financial mess, but how can our opponents actually get us, the world leader in developing innovative solutions to numerous issues, to go backwards?"

Hard as it may be to believe, our education system is doing exactly that. Let's look at a prime example: energy -- because plentiful, reliable, affordable energy is the cornerstone for the U.S.'s success as an industrialized society. Put another way, a fundamental difference between developed and third world countries is the latter's lack of reliable and affordable energy (especially electricity).

Today our education system is aggressively promoting all things "renewable." Most citizens will probably say: "So, what's the matter with that?"

Exactly. The fact that this appears to be a reasonable path to take, is indisputable evidence as to how far this regressive propaganda has become embedded into our thinking. The invasion has already taken place and our defenses have been breached!

The reality is that this focus on "renewable" energy is completely devoid of a scientific basis. We have been so successfully indoctrinated that many of us now believe that a wide scale adapting of a fifteenth century technology (wind energy) is a necessary and progressive way forward!

Even the promoters acknowledge wind's limitations (cost, reliability, transmission, etc., etc.), but their answer is always the same: spend more money, as the solution is just over the horizon. (In this light, please reconsider point #1.)

Getting the Big Picture here is critically important, so I'm not going to get into the details, as too many readers' eyes will probably just glaze over.

In simplified terms, every billion dollars the U.S. spends on wind energy development: increases our national debt; is money borrowed from China (our main competitor); and is squandering time, dollars, and effort, the effect of which is putting the brakes on our national progress forward.

So, back to the beginning. The forces that want world domination, have now:

1) led the U.S. to put itself on the brink of bankruptcy; and

2) gotten the US to voluntarily slow down on its industrialization.

So, are we going to fight this insidious and persistent assault on our country, or will we dispute the obvious, throw in the towel, and accept internment (with a promised posh pension, of course)?

Monday, March 14, 2011

Gender pay

Gender pay gap not so insidious


THE push for boardroom gender quotas is starting to look like a vested interest group seeking government favour.

Labor chose last week's 100th anniversary of International Women's Day to ramp up the threats against businesses that don't "actively pursue gender equality in the workplace". It even attracted political support from Governor-General Quentin Bryce for female quotas on corporate boards.

Minister for the Status of Women Kate Ellis blamed business for the "insidious structural and cultural barriers" facing women. She announced "regular spot checks" by a beefed-up Equal Opportunity for Women in the Workplace Agency to keep all businesses with more than 100 employees "honest".

Government would refuse to do business with companies that failed the gender equity test. "No more good intentions," Ellis said. "We want good outcomes."

Ellis started to lurch into heavy-handed regulation rather than just naming and shaming, paid parental leave, mentoring programs for female executives or even allowing them to import their own nannies. There was none of the rigorous scrutiny that Productivity Chairman Gary Banks has urged for Labor's re-regulation of the job market.

And Ellis ignored the likelihood that workforce gender gaps stemmed more from women and men's differing choices than from insidious structural and cultural barriers that business supposedly maintained.

She began with the "fundamentally unfair" 17 per cent gender pay gap: basically the extra wages earned by male full-time workers compared with female full-time workers. But Australia has the sixth lowest gender wage gap of 20 countries belonging to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. We're on par with Sweden, lower than the US and Germany, and much lower than Japan. And this gap partly reflects the four extra hours that Australian men working full-time clock up each week compared with full-time female workers. Take this out, and the gender pay gap narrows to 11 per cent an hour.

The gap has widened amid the surge in high-wage mining boom jobs that are overwhelmingly filled by men. But, even then, the gender pay gap reflects entrenched male and female "lifestyle choices" after they form families. Most women break or reduce their job patterns when they have children, which reduces their experience, career prospects and earning potential.

Hence, there is no gender wage gap for under-30 workers. For older workers, there is virtually no gap between men and childless women.

Yet a Productivity Commission paper released two months ago notes that the gender gap has not discouraged women aged over 45 from penetrating the workforce more rapidly than any other cohort in the past generation. Mature women earn a sizeable premium for their tertiary qualifications. When they work full time, they get promoted more rapidly than mature-age men. Yet mature-age women strikingly still prefer part-time and casual work more than mature-age men do. On average, they put in no more hours today than a generation ago. While all women fill 45 per cent of jobs, women working full time account for 28 per cent of hours worked.

Part-time and casual workers don't suffer a wage penalty. But they do wear a promotion penalty. It's hard to be promoted up the management ranks to the executive suite juggling part-time work while being the primary family carer.

The bad outcomes identified by Ellis fit more comfortably with the work of John Howard's favourite sociologist, Catherine Hakim. The London School of Economics senior research fellow suggests that 10 per cent to 30 per cent of women are "home-centred" and prefer not to work; 40 per cent to 80 per cent are "adaptive" and want to work without being totally career committed; and 10 per cent to 30 per cent are "work-centred" with their jobs being their main priority in life.

The Productivity Commission suggests that Hakim's breakdown is supported by the "broad stability over the past two decades" in the household division of labour. As in the early 1990s, women on average still spend nearly twice as many hours a day than men doing housework, shopping and looking after children "despite considerable social and demographic changes". This entrenched division is one of the main factors behind the gender work imbalance.

Yet the Productivity Commission notes that 68 per cent to 73 per cent of mature-age female workers are "very satisfied" with their remuneration. Three-quarters are very satisfied with their job flexibility. Although some want more work, part-time working women are most satisfied with their hours. And women in full-time jobs would rather work less. If the preferences of all mature-age female workers were met, they would spend 10 per cent less time on the job.

If all this is unsatisfactory on equity grounds, boardroom gender quotas for some of society's most highly paid workers are not an obvious place for a Labor government to focus. If it's about efficiency, then Labor should convince the shareholders' association and superannuation funds that investors would generate more profit by voting well-qualified women on to boards. Rather than unleashing the workplace gender cops, Ellis should make equal opportunity part of a genuine push to raise the productivity and flexibility of Australia's over-regulated and sometimes blokey workplace culture.

Any serious policy response needs to recognise that many women make their own choices about balancing family preferences with the prospect of being a company executive on call 24 hours a day well into their 50s. Yet senior business executives are the main pool from which board members are rightly drawn.

The danger in trying to resolve this tension through quotas was revealed in the round table of directors reported in The Weekend Australian on Saturday. Reflecting the unease, Medibank and IOOF board member Jane Harvey said the female directors got approached all the time by young women who wanted board positions. Harvey said: "Some of these young women . . . haven't actually achieved and made a name for themselves in their first career." They saw directorships "as a part-time job or something that fits in with the children and that sort of thing."

Monday, March 07, 2011

AGW voters guide

Quadrant article

The Intelligent Voter's Guide to Global Warming

Geoffrey Lehmann, Peter Farrell & Dick Warburton


Part 2 will be published in April Quadrant.


In a news story on March 20, 2000, “Snow falls are now just a thing of the past”, the UK’s Independent newspaper reported:

Sledges, snowmen, snowballs ... are all a rapidly diminishing part of Britain’s culture, as warmer winters—which scientists are attributing to global climate change—produce not only fewer white Christmases, but fewer white Januaries and Februaries ... According to Dr David Viner, a senior research scientist at the climatic research unit (CRU) of the University of East Anglia, within a few years winter snowfall will become “a very rare and exciting event ... Children just aren’t going to know what snow is”.

This millenarian prediction from the world’s most prominent climate research centre was a dud. When the news story appeared ten years ago, an unanticipated pause in global warming was already taking place, and global warming has not resumed since then. On January 7, 2010, a NASA satellite photographed the UK covered entirely by a blanket of snow. The published photograph shows the familiar shape of the map of England, Scotland and Wales, frozen white, and set in an ocean of dark blue silk, with the edges partly obscured by wisps of cloud. In the winter just ending, Britain underwent yet another winter of heavy snowfalls. On November 29 the Independent had a story headed, “Cold comfort for a Britain stuck in a deep freeze”.

With Julia Gillard’s sudden switch to support for a carbon price, Australia in 2013 could be the first country to hold an election with anthropogenic global warming (AGW) as the pivotal issue. If Tony Abbott is still Opposition Leader he will see an emissions trading scheme (ETS), or carbon tax, as a target that is as vulnerable as John Hewson’s GST proposal in 1993. At that time Abbott was Hewson’s press secretary, and Hewson was “cooked slowly” by Paul Keating in a protracted election campaign.

We have written this piece as an intelligent voter’s guide to global warming—to provide basic information often missing from the debate. In Part 1 we examine the science, and in Part 2 the practicalities of an ETS and carbon tax, and the politics. All three aspects—science, economics and the associated politics—intersect and drive each other.

I. The science

Man-made emissions are likely to cause a doubling of atmospheric carbon dioxide during this century and this increase will continue to have a warming effect on global temperatures. One of the disappointing distortions of the climate science debate is the claim that sceptics deny this relationship. What sceptics are sceptical about is the strength of this AGW effect. A strong AGW effect would be an increase in global average temperatures of 2.5 to 4 degrees or more, with potentially disruptive outcomes, such as a possible large rise in sea levels. A weak AGW effect would be an increase of 1 degree or less, a number of much less concern.

One of the constants of climate, like that day-to-day local phenomenon the weather, is its variability. We are living during a warmer period known as an interglacial, which began about 11,400 years ago. It is an “interglacial” because for the previous 2.5 million years, much of northern Eurasia and North America has been blanketed by kilometres-deep ice sheets. This ice age or glacial has been interrupted by warmer interglacials of from 10,000 to 20,000 years occurring at intervals of about 100,000 years.

These transitions—into and out of an ice age—are triggered by various, overlapping Croll–Milankovich cycles which change how much solar radiation our planet receives, and where. Croll–Milankovich cycles are due mainly to interactions with the gravitational fields of other planets, and shift the Earth’s orientation and orbit around the sun and can be precisely calculated backwards and forwards through time. The start of our interglacial was dramatic and occurred over a human lifetime.

The eccentricity of the Earth’s orbit is currently small and decreasing. This will continue for 30,000 years, which means that our current interglacial is likely to be exceptionally prolonged. By some lucky happenstance our civilisation sits in an astronomical sweet spot, and we probably have hundreds of generations to prepare for the likely return of an ice age.

Average temperatures during an interglacial are stabler than during a glacial. But over the last 5000 years there have been climatic changes severe enough to have disrupted a number of agrarian societies. As well as the Croll–Milankovitch cycles, there are variations in the output and nature of radiation from the sun itself. A solar cycle of about eleven years manifests itself visibly by sunspots. As the cycle reaches its maximum, sunspots become more frequent, and total solar irradiance increases slightly.

This difference in total solar output (only about 0.1 per cent) is regarded as insufficient in itself to cause climate changes of any significance. However, the sun’s short-wave radiation (from the ultraviolet through to x-rays) varies greatly and has significant effects on the earth’s stratosphere, the layer of air about ten to fifty kilometres above the Earth’s surface in temperate latitudes.

There is also a “solar wind” (a stream of charged particles), whose variable intensity may predict the intensity of the next solar cycle. The solar wind causes the spectacular displays of lights known as auroras and protects Earth’s atmosphere from cosmic rays from outside the solar system. It is argued controversially that cosmic rays (they are in fact particles, not rays), may trigger cloud formation and affect climate. Over the last 10,000 years, changes in solar activity and the nature of solar radiation (but not changes in total solar output) have most likely had significant climatic effects.

There was a Little Ice Age, from about 1300 until about 1850, typified by the freezing of the River Thames and a decline in European agriculture. This 550-year span is associated with three periods of low sunspot activity, known as minima. During these low sunspot periods, the solar wind is also less active, fewer auroras are observed and cosmic rays from outside the solar system cause the formation of carbon-14 in the atmosphere; this is detected in tree rings (as trees inhale carbon dioxide). Conversely, periods of high solar activity result in reduced carbon-14 levels in tree rings. Brian Fagan, an archaeologist, writes that tree rings show:

a well-defined fall in 14C levels and a peak in solar activity between about AD 1100 and 1250, the height of Europe’s Medieval Warm Period ... There is certainly a nearly perfect coincidence between major fluctuations in global temperature over the last 1000 years and the changes in 14C levels identified in tree rings. This implies that long-term changes in solar radiation may have had a profound effect on terrestrial climate over decades, even centuries.

There was an immediate temperature spike when the current interglacial began 11,400 years ago. Average temperatures at many sites from 8000 to 10,000 years ago were about 2 degrees warmer than now. Since then global average temperatures have gradually declined, with peaks and troughs, and variations from site to site. A central Greenland ice core shows a Minoan warming about 3500 years ago, a Roman warming about 2000 years ago, the Medieval Warm Period, and the twentieth-century warming, with each new warming being about 1 degree cooler than its predecessor. Richard B. Alley, who worked on this ice core, commented: “the best paleothermometers are probably those on the ice sheets”.

Ice cores, when available, are perhaps the best evidence of temperatures in the past, because the isotopic composition of a section from an ice core reflects just one main influence. This is the temperature of the air from which it condensed, as heavier molecules of water vapour (with more neutrons) are the first to condense when air chills. Climate scientists who argue for a strong AGW effect have tended to rely on less reliable proxy evidence such as tree rings (which may reflect a number of influences, for example the availability of such key nutrients as water) when claiming that recent temperatures are “hotter than ever”.

The pre-industrial level of atmospheric carbon dioxide was about 280 parts per million volume (ppmv). In the late 1940s this began a steady rise to the current level of about 390 ppmv. The steady graph of this year-by-year rise, with a small seasonal wobble as northern hemisphere plants inhale carbon dioxide in spring and summer, points to a single dominant cause—man-made emissions. To the extent that this is causing a greenhouse effect humans are responsible.

Carbon dioxide is transparent to most incoming solar radiation. But it is opaque to certain wavelengths of infrared or “black body” radiation and blocks the escape of this radiation into space from the sun-warmed surface of our planet. Hence the greenhouse effect. In the absence of positive or negative feedbacks, the doubling of atmospheric carbon dioxide would eventually raise global average temperatures by about 1 degree. The main qualifiers here are “eventually” and the role of feedbacks.

A majority of Western climate scientists, in predicting severe global warming, argue that there are positive feedbacks causing a strong AGW effect. As increased levels of carbon dioxide heat the atmosphere, atmospheric water vapour (humidity) increases. This water vapour is also a greenhouse gas, and is already far more plentiful than carbon dioxide. Increasing it will amplify the warming caused by increased carbon dioxide—perhaps by up to 5 degrees or more for a doubling of carbon dioxide, according to some general circulation models relied upon by the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).

However, other climate scientists argue that the feedbacks can be negative, so there is only a weak AGW effect. The relationship between a warming atmosphere and increased water vapour is complex. Increased water vapour will eventually condense, warming the air around it, as latent heat is released by the change from a gaseous to a liquid state. The condensed vapour may become low-level cloud, which has a cooling effect (as it reflects incoming radiation), or high-level cirrus cloud, which has an overall greenhouse effect.

Data from weather balloons (radio-sondes) suggest that with increased warmth at the planet’s surface, there may be less water vapour in the atmosphere above about three kilometres, where a positive feedback from water vapour might occur. It is also argued that high-level cirrus cloud cover, which blocks escaping radiation, decreases over tropical oceans as temperature increases. The IPCC’s Fourth Assessment Report of 2007 acknowledges: “Cloud feedbacks remain the largest source of uncertainty.”

The second qualifier about a doubling of carbon dioxide raising global temperatures is 1 degree “eventually”. The oceans and atmosphere have been described as unequal dancing partners, with the atmosphere reacting quickly and the oceans heavy-footed, slow and out of step.

Radiative or climate forcing is the net change in incoming and outgoing radiation energy in the climate. It is measured in watts per square metre. There is a positive forcing if, for example, an increase in greenhouse gases blocks outgoing radiation, and there is a negative forcing if, for example, reduced sunlight enters the Earth’s atmosphere as its orbit becomes more eccentric.

Oceans have about 200 times the mass of the atmosphere. They may take some hundreds of years to respond fully to an increase in radiative forcing (typically extra sunlight determined by a Croll–Milankovich cycle). Among nine errors found by a British court, Al Gore’s movie An Inconvenient Truth erroneously assumed that carbon dioxide levels and temperature rose and fell simultaneously—there was an “exact fit”. This was referred to as “Error 3” in the proceedings, which were initiated by a school governor (a lorry driver) against the educational authorities.

The Al Gore movie implied that carbon dioxide levels were somehow driving temperature. At about the time the movie was made, clear evidence emerged that carbon dioxide levels rise and fall several hundreds of years after a rise or fall in temperature. Carbon dioxide changes lag behind temperature changes. Historically, carbon dioxide has not been the significant driver of temperature that was once assumed. The erroneous assumption of an “exact fit” between carbon dioxide and temperature has contributed greatly to the present popular misunderstandings surrounding AGW.

There are various explanations for this lag. Warming water has a reduced ability to retain carbon dioxide and as the oceans slowly warm or cool they may release (or absorb) carbon dioxide. Temperature-induced changes in biological activity, rainfall or the weathering of rocks also play a role.

It is surprising that the ocean depths respond at all to changes in radiative forcing. Compared with metals, water is a poor conductor of heat. Intuitively you might expect the warmer, lighter water to sit at the surface and not mix with the colder depths. But there is a slow mixing, as exemplified by the Atlantic’s Gulf Stream. When the Atlantic’s surface is heated at the tropics by sunlight, some water evaporates. The remainder becomes saltier and heads north to colder latitudes, where it chills. This saltier water, as it chills, becomes heavier than the cold water which it overlays. It sinks and mixes with deep currents that head back to the tropics where they upwell again. An enormous conveyor belt is created, warming North Atlantic coastal regions.

The different cycles of these ill-assorted dancing partners, the atmosphere and ocean, contribute to the chaotic behaviour of climate. Several oceanic oscillations have been identified that influence climate. The peak for recent warming, 1998, was the outcome of an exceptional El Niño event in the Pacific. A big El Niño event in 2010 has also caused a recent jump in global average temperatures, which may now be about to subside. The oceans are not well understood. Methods for systematically measuring ocean temperatures, starting in the nineteenth century, have varied and only become reliable in the last five years (with a small, very recent, decline during this time observed in ocean temperatures). The ocean is where any excess heat must theoretically end up, since dry land eventually gives up any received heat while the oceans absorb it; however, recent evidence shows that this is just not happening.

Another puzzle for climate modellers is that global average temperatures have not kept up with the steady rise in atmospheric carbon dioxide. General circulation models relied on by the IPCC predicted these temperatures would rise in the current decade, but this has not happened. Accurate measurements of atmospheric carbon dioxide began as recently as 1958. The significant recent rise in atmospheric carbon dioxide began in about 1950. But there was no increase in global average temperatures until about 1976. In fact from 1940 to 1975, a period sometimes called “the Little Cooling”, temperatures appear to have been slightly lower than in the 1930s of dust-bowl fame.

Pro-AGW climate scientists claim the Little Cooling was caused by aerosols, such as sulphur dioxide, produced by the rapid expansion of industry and motorised transport that began in about 1950. According to these scientists, by 1976 there was a reduction in these aerosols because of clean air legislation in Western countries, allowing the warming from extra carbon dioxide to take effect. There are two problems with this explanation. The largely oceanic southern hemisphere, where there are few of these anthropogenic northern hemisphere aerosols, was also subject to the Little Cooling. Also, as aerosols from North Atlantic countries decreased, this may have been matched by an increase in aerosols from the rapid industrialisation of China and India in the late twentieth century.

The 1980s were warmer than the 1970s, the 1990s were warmer than the 1980s, and the 2000s have been warmer than the 1990s. However, the rise in temperatures starting in 1976 stopped in about 2000. Since then temperatures have flattened out and may have reduced. Although the decade to 2009 has on average been warmer than the average of the previous decade, it has not become warmer than the final years of the last decade, as strong-AGW models predicted. Atmospheric carbon dioxide has been steadily rising from 1950 to the present, but there has been a significant increase in temperature for only twenty-five of those sixty years.

This increase has been about 0.4 degrees and is broadly equal to the increase from 1860 to 1940, when changes in atmospheric carbon dioxide could not have been an influence. All of this suggests there is not a clear correlation between the rise in atmospheric carbon dioxide over the last sixty years and the recent increase in temperatures. The increase that has occurred, which is only fractions of a degree, is explicable as a natural fluctuation, part of the chaotic dance movements of the climate, although it is likely that there is a small AGW contribution, which is extremely difficult to identify.

The modest increase in temperatures does not fit well with bold predictions of increases of several degrees over the remainder of this century. There is a further problem with these predictions. This is that the greenhouse effect of carbon dioxide increases is logarithmic. It is not linear. Richard Lindzen, a climate scientist who is a professor of meteorology at MIT, has explained:

In terms of climate forcing, greenhouse gases added to the atmosphere through man’s activities since the late nineteenth century have already produced three-quarters of the radiative forcing that we expect from a doubling of CO2 ... the impact of CO2 is nonlinear in the sense that each added unit contributes less than its predecessor. For example, if doubling CO2 from its value in the late nineteenth century—from about 290 parts per million by volume (ppmv) to 580 ppmv—causes a 2 per cent increase in radiative forcing, then to obtain another 2 percent increase in radiative forcing we must increase CO2 by an additional 580 ppmv rather than by another 290 ppmv. At present, the concentration of CO2 is about 380 ppmv. The easiest way to understand this is to consider adding thin layers of paint to a pane of glass. The first layer cuts out much of the light, the next layer cuts out more, but subsequent layers do less and less because the painted pane is already essentially opaque.

Lindzen’s “already produced” radiative forcing should not be confused with the effect of this forcing on global average temperatures, which may take decades or centuries to respond, because of the thermal inertia of the oceans. His conclusion is that if we believe the climate models, “we have long since passed the point where mitigation is a viable strategy”. His estimate of the future outcome is: “Attempts to assess climate sensitivity by direct observation of cloud processes, and other means, point to a conclusion that doubling of CO2 would lead to about 0.5 degrees warming or less.”

The critical issue in the global warming debate is climate sensitivity. There is general agreement that acting by itself there would be a weak AGW of about 1 degree from a doubling of atmospheric carbon dioxide above pre-industrial levels. If there are positive feedbacks which amplify that effect above 1 degree, the climate is more sensitive, and if there are negative feedbacks that would reduce that warming below 1 degree, the climate is less sensitive.

One way of estimating sensitivity is to examine past events, where there is a known change in radiative forcing and it is simple to calculate the extra (or fewer) watts per square metre that result from the change and observe the effect on average temperatures to obtain a value for sensitivity. When the Last Glacial Maximum finally ended about 11,400 years ago, there was a large increase in average temperatures relative to the increase in solar radiation reaching the Earth at that time (from a Croll–Milankovich cycle). Supporters of the strong AGW case point to this event as evidence for positive feedbacks and a high value for climate sensitivity.

Deducing climate sensitivity to radiative forcing from extra sunlight when the Last Glacial Maximum ended and using that number to determine the climate sensitivity to radiative forcing from extra carbon dioxide at the present time, when average temperatures are several degrees warmer, is not straightforward. As well as the initial radiative forcing from extra sunlight at the end of the Last Glacial Maximum, there would be the following forcings induced by the change in solar radiation received by Earth: (1) reduced albedo (reflection of sunlight into space) as ice and snow retreat and dark vegetation advances and rocks and earth are exposed; (2) additional trace greenhouse gases from various sources, in particular methane (a much more potent greenhouse gas than carbon dioxide) released from melting permafrost; and (3) the greenhouse effect of additional water vapour as ice and snow melt. The value of these induced forcings can only be inferred with a high degree of uncertainty.

A further reason for scepticism is the temperature trend for central Greenland over the last 100,000 years. An ice core shows that during the last 10,000 years average temperatures in central Greenland have varied by no more than about 2 or 3 degrees. But over the previous 90,000 years (the period of the last ice age) there were sixteen sudden fluctuations of about 10 degrees or more (some of almost 20 degrees) with many smaller fluctuations of about 5 degrees. These violent and frequent jumps compared with the current relative stability in central Greenland indicate that climate sensitivity during the 90,000 years of the last glacial may have been much higher than now. There may have been positive feedbacks then that no longer operate when temperatures are warmer.

Climate sensitivity has also been estimated from short-term cooling following recent volcanic eruptions and the global temperature trend in the twentieth century. Some high and low numbers for climate sensitivity have been estimated from recent volcanic eruptions. So this is a contested area. The global temperature trend over the twentieth century may also not provide a convincing basis for determining sensitivity. There are peaks and troughs in the modest warming of about 0.8 degrees occurring since the late nineteenth century, which could have been affected by a variety of poorly understood influences, such as clouds and oceanic oscillations. Add to this the uncertainty about the exact extent of current warming. Land surface temperature measurements tend to be concentrated near cities, which are heat islands. Despite corrections for this effect, there is evidence of “contamination patterns” in regard to land surface records, relied upon by climate scientists, “related to urbanisation and other socioeconomic influences” causing “an overall warm bias over land”. Our current level of understanding is such that studies relying on past events to produce a high (or low) value for climate sensitivity are dartboard science.

There is also a crucial piece of evidence, publicised by David Evans, suggesting it is unlikely that climate sensitivity is a large number. Evans, an electrical engineer and mathematician, worked for the Australian Greenhouse Office (now the Department of Climate Change) from 1999 to 2005, modelling Australia’s carbon. He became sceptical when, in his view, “the evidence supporting the idea that CO2 emissions were the main cause of global warming reversed itself from 1998 to 2006”. The crucial evidence Evans found is in a 2006 report, Temperature Trends in the Lower Atmosphere by the US government’s Climate Change Science Program (CCSP). Climate modellers had predicted a “hotspot” in the atmosphere, at a height of about twelve kilometres in the tropics, which would prove that climate sensitivity was a high number. This “hotspot” should have emerged over the period of global warming which occurred from the late 1970s until the end of the twentieth century. But many thousands of radiosonde measurements from 1979 to 1999 found it did not.

Why is this evidence crucial? It is well known that air temperature decreases with altitude, except for rare temperature inversions, until the stratosphere is reached. This reduction in temperature, caused by the reduction in air pressure with increasing altitude, is known as the “lapse rate”. The lapse rate reduces with increases in humidity. The lapse rate would be about 10 degrees per kilometre of altitude if air was perfectly dry and rising quickly. But if air is very humid, it can be as low as 4 degrees per kilometre.

When global average temperatures were increasing over the period from 1979 to the end of the twentieth century, the extra water vapour generated by these higher temperatures could increase the depth of humid atmosphere. The CCSP’s 2006 report predicted: “the lapse rate can be expected to decrease with warming such that temperature changes aloft exceed those at the surface”. However, the radiosonde measurements confounded this prediction. The report found: “observational data sets show more warming at the surface than in the troposphere [the atmosphere up to about twelve kilometres], while most model runs have larger warming aloft than at the surface.”

If warming at the surface exceeded warming in the upper troposphere, this probably means the extra humidity was condensing into low-level clouds, which reflected incoming sunlight (with a negative effect on temperature), rather than increasing the depth of humid air that would have a greenhouse effect. Although the CCSP is silent on the matter, the inference is that climate sensitivity is a low number and feedbacks from changes in radiative forcing are negative rather than positive.

The IPCC’s First Assessment Report in 1990 and Second Assessment Report in 1995 included graphs showing that temperatures were warmer in the Medieval Warm Period from about 1000 to 1300 than they were towards the end of the twentieth century and that there was a Little Ice Age. This was the widely accepted view at that time and confirmed by numerous studies. (It has since been confirmed by Loehle and McCulloch’s 2000-year temperature reconstruction, published in 2008, based on eighteen series of non-tree-ring proxies, which found that the warmest tridecade of the Medieval Warm Period “was warmer than the most recent tridecade, but not significantly so”.)

Then in its Third Assessment Report of 2001, the IPCC dropped graphs which showed a warmer period in medieval times and instead included the now notorious “hockey stick” graph. This new graph purported to show northern hemisphere temperatures from 1000 to the end of the twentieth century, with the Medieval Warm Period and the Little Ice Age as minor fluctuations in a relatively flat line, and a sharp rise only at the end of the twentieth century, resembling the blade of a hockey stick. It supposedly represented a warming in the last two decades of the twentieth century which was unprecedented over the previous 1000 years.

The hockey stick came from a 1999 study by Michael Mann and co-authors based mainly on studies of growth rings of trees, and also ice cores and coral, which provided proxy evidence of climate over the last 1000 years and built on an earlier study the co-authors published in the influential science journal Nature. In promoting this rewriting of climate history, the IPCC ignored numerous earlier studies and anecdotal historical evidence of the Medieval Warm Period and Little Ice Age.

The wider climate science community accepted this convenient reversal of a historical paradigm. It required two amateurs to demolish the hockey stick. Stephen McIntyre, living in Toronto, had been a statistician working at the speculative end of the mining industry. He had memories of Vikings in Greenland from his schooldays and became casually interested in the IPCC’s hockey stick.

In April 2003 he was surprised to read an article by an IPCC author, Keith Briffa from the University of East Anglia, finding a decline in growth-ring widths for a large sample of trees in the twentieth century. A decline in growth-ring widths would indicate a decline in temperature. This seemed at variance with the use of tree-ring widths in the IPCC’s hockey stick to show a temperature increase in the twentieth century. McIntyre assumed there was an explanation for this. Out of curiosity he wrote to Mann, the main author of the hockey stick. According to McIntyre:

To my astonishment, Mann said that he had forgotten where the data were. It seemed that nobody had verified the study in the way that I was used to things being verified [in the mining industry where geologists must make available all data on which their reports are based]. I thought—well, if nobody else has done this, I will.

McIntyre was not an academic. He teamed up with Ross McKitrick, a professor of economics at the University of Guelph, and together they published an analysis of Mann’s hockey stick. They found the data did not produce the results claimed by Mann and his co-authors “due to collation errors, unjustifiable truncation or extrapolation of source data, obsolete data, geographical location errors, incorrect calculation of principal components and other quality control defects”.

The findings of McIntyre and McKitrick caused a furore. A committee headed by Edward J. Wegman, a professor of statistics and chair of the US National Research Council’s Committee on Applied and Theoretical Statistics, lodged a ninety-two-page report (including appendices) with the US Congress in 2006. The Wegman report found McIntyre and McKitrick’s criticisms of the hockey stick were “valid and their arguments to be compelling”. The report identified a “decentering error” in Mann’s hockey stick findings, caused by selecting the period 1902 to 1995, when temperatures were rising, to calibrate the proxy data set. This was unrepresentative and dissimilar to the millennium temperature profile and “its net effect ... is to preferentially choose the so-called hockey stick shapes”. The report suggested Mann and his co-authors may not have been aware of their error and found: “Even though their work has a very significant statistical component ... there is no evidence that Dr Mann or any of the other authors in paleoclimatology studies have significant interactions with mainstream statisticians.”

McIntyre and McKitrick found that the hockey stick shape disappeared, using Mann’s data, if a particular bristlecone pine chronology was omitted. This chronology was contained in Graybill and Idso’s 1993 study, “Detecting the Aerial Fertilization Effect of Atmospheric CO2 Enrichment in Tree Ring Chronologies”. The purpose of the study was to test if increases in atmospheric carbon dioxide had a fertilising effect on bristlecone pines, and they did. The tree rings were wider. Arguably a study designed to determine the fertilising effect of carbon dioxide should not have been included in a later survey using tree rings as temperature proxies. Higher carbon dioxide levels rather than warmer temperatures may have been the main influence on the increased rate of growth. Tree rings are problematical temperature proxies because they may be a proxy for rainfall and a variety of influences as well as temperature.

The outcome was that a historical paradigm—the existence of a distinct Medieval Warm Period and Little Ice Age—was jettisoned on the basis of ambiguous data from some bristlecone pines. This paradigm had been established by more than a hundred studies of which more than twenty related to the southern hemisphere, although it should be emphasised that the southern hemisphere data are not conclusive regarding a Medieval Warm Period.

The hockey stick was a cause célèbre among a group of interested observers, and its defects were publicised on a website, Climate Audit, which McIntyre now set up. But the deficiencies of the IPCC process did not become known to a wide public until the Climategate e-mails, more than a thousand of them, were leaked or hacked from the website of the University of East Anglia in November 2009. The most notorious of these was an e-mail from Professor Philip Jones to Mann and his co-authors dated November 16, 1999, which stated: “I’ve just completed Mike’s Nature trick [referring to the journal where the hockey stick first appeared] of adding in the real temps to each series for the last 20 years (ie from 1981 onwards) and from 1961 for Keith’s to hide the decline ... Cheers Phil.”

We have already alluded to Keith Briffa’s tree rings anomalously indicating a decline in temperature in the late twentieth century. This e-mail is referring to a graph in the IPCC’s Third Assessment Report showing several coloured lines that converge in the late twentieth century, at which point a green line representing Briffa’s study is amputated, because including it in full would have shown a decline in temperature, implying a credibility problem with the IPCC’s methodology. McIntyre has written regarding this e-mail:

As a reviewer of the [IPCC’s] Fourth Assessment Report I asked that the deleted data be shown and explained as best they could. They refused. Jones’s version of the trick was even more simplistic [than Mann’s]—he simply spliced temperature data onto tree ring data, removing the real data—a technique that Mann later denied had ever been used.

The hockey stick has spawned a number of new hockey sticks. As recently as November 2009 a “news scan” with the reassuring headline “Still Hotter than Ever” in the Scientific American (a sister publication of Nature) affirmed: “A new analysis creates a better ‘hockey stick’ of rising temperatures.” These attempts to resuscitate the hockey stick have been criticised on McIntyre’s Climate Audit website, mainly on the basis that the new hockey sticks essentially recycle the same questionable data—a view which is confirmed in a Climategate e-mail of Briffa’s. McIntyre has continued to find errors in new studies, such as the cherry-picking of data. The relish and banality of the headline “Still Hotter than Ever” and the phrase “better ‘hockey stick’” are symptomatic. They are the language of a climate change industry intent on self-preservation and selling a product.

The original hockey stick should have been buried and forgotten after the Wegman report. What is of greater concern is that a wider community of climate scientists has stood by the authors after errors were exposed, and continues to do so. If the groupthink of climate scientists requires them to defend the pseudoscience of the hockey stick, can their other findings be trusted?


The final part of this article, on the economics and politics aspects, will appear in the April issue. Subscribe now...


Geoffrey Lehmann is a poet. He was formerly a partner of a major international accounting firm and Chairman of the Australian Tax Research Foundation.

Peter Farrell is Founder and Executive Chairman of Resmed Inc, foundation Director and former Professor of the Graduate School of Biomedical Engineering at the University of New South Wales, Chair of the Executive Council, Division of Sleep Medicine, Harvard Medical School and Member Visiting Committee, Whitaker College of Life Sciences MIT.

Dick Warburton is Chairman of Westfield Retail Trust, Magellan Flagship Fund Ltd and the Board of Taxation and a Director of Citigroup Pty Ltd and of the Smith Family of which he is also Chairman-elect. He is a former Chairman and CEO of Du Pont Australia and New Zealand.

Wednesday, February 16, 2011

Fear Of Death

From American Thinker

(Liberalism in Australia is synonymous with left politics)

Liberalism and the Fear of Death

By Robin of Berkeley

Like most of you, I have several websites that I read on a daily basis. One of them is Lucianne.com, which is fondly known as Ldot. Last Sunday, I was shocked and deeply saddened to discover that Lucianne Goldberg's oldest son, Joshua, died of a fall at the age of 43. What a tragedy, and the unexpectedness of his passing adds a level of trauma to grief. My heart goes out to Lucianne and her family.

On a personal level, I'm also coping with the horrific news of one of my oldest friends being stricken with a catastrophic disease. So my mind has turned lately to heavy, sobering topics of life and death.

We can't live our lives perpetually thinking of potential losses; this would make our time on earth feel unbearable. However, there are reminders of mortality that startle, such as visiting a website and finding that families, both the Goldbergs and the L Dot family, are grieving. And then there are the personal tragedies that we must face in this all-too-human existence.

A while back, a reader wrote and asked me a question, and my response shocked him. He asked, "On the deepest level, what draws people to progressivism?" I answered this way, "There are so many reasons, but if you're asking me the very deepest one, I think it's the fear of death."

A bit unnerved by my response, the reader said he'd need to think about it. A few months later, though, he wrote back and said he was finding much truth in my unsettling words.

Ernest Becker devoted an entire book to the subject, a Pulitzer Prize winning tome called, The Denial of Death. Becker wrote that while we all know we will die some day, most people live their daily lives in a state of denial. Becker concluded that fear of death shapes every aspect of a person's life.

One might think that my field of psychotherapy is a rare exception, that psychotherapists can speak easily about death. Not true, though most therapists are adept at helping others with their loss and grief. We therapists, like most people, rarely broach the topic of our eventual demise.

I had a fascinating conversation once with a mortuary director, whom I contacted a few years ago after my parents died. Their passing, three weeks apart, blew the curtain off of my own personal denial. I decided I wanted to make my own funeral arrangements in advance in order to spare my loved ones -- and also to exert some control over the inevitable.

I mentioned to the funeral director that my friends were all aghast at the prospect of pre-planning their own burial. She responded that morticians were no different. Few, including herself, had internment plans, preferring not to think about it. What an astonishing example of denial, given that a funeral director is in the business of death and dying!

I mentioned earlier my email exchange with a reader, and how I explained progressivism as denial of death. Let me say more. While most people experience some level of denial, we all know that we will someday die. People may be drawn to the left to create meaning in their lives while they are still alive.

They have no other way to organize this overwhelming existence, to create order out of apparent chaos. By espousing leftist ideals and worshiping false idols, many progressives have discovered their own unique way to conquer death. Even if leftists profess to be staunch atheists, doubt may lurk; therefore, their activism offers the prospect of redemption.

Many of these progressives would never engage in vicious actions against conservatives, since this would be bad for their karma; I was one of those types, as are all my friends. (Of course, there are also the nihilistic progressives, another breed entirely. Believing that life is inherently meaningless, nihilists may act out, and then take no responsibility for their cruelty.)

It's true that people flock to the left because of misinformation from the MSM. And many progressives follow along, sheep-like, because of brainwashing by schools and the media.

But I think that the attraction to radicalism may go much deeper; being an activist offers a balm for some fearsome existential issues. For many, progressivism meets a basic, human longing to matter, to make a difference in this world before it all passes away.

While conservatives and progressives disagree about pretty much everything, there is one common denominator: everyone who is alive this very moment will one day no longer walk this earth.

Human beings -- Left, Right, and in the Middle -- all understand this truth, at least on some level. The knowledge of our finiteness lurks right under the surface, until, one day, tragedy shatters our illusions.

But the difference is that most conservatives have a well-worn path to liberation, with an ancient blueprint and a Savior to guide them. No so with those leftists who have rejected ultimate truth.

It's no wonder then that they embrace the Gospel of Liberalism. What other means do they have to still the voice of disquietude and to shine a faint light onto the darkness?

A frequent American Thinker contributor, Robin is a recovering liberal and a psychotherapist in Berkeley. Robin's articles are intended to entertain and inform, not to offer psychotherapeutic advice or diagnoses.

Sunday, February 06, 2011

Climate Change

Article from the The Australian 7thFeb2010

History of science shows consensus can be mistaken

FEW things have more bedevilled the debate about global warming than the question of scientific consensus. About what the scientific consensus on the subject is, and about what degree of deference should be paid to scientific consensus as such. Both debates have been seriously aggravated by two other factors. Global warming seems to have colossal economic implications, which has activated the concerns of many interested parties; and the ecological nature of global warming has stirred up heated ideological passions that go well beyond the science. It's all very well to feel either passionate or sceptical about these matters, but how are we to think clearly about them?

David Weintraub's How Old is the Universe offers five useful clues. The author has nothing to say about climate science and all parties to the climate debate can, therefore, chill out and think dispassionately here.

His general argument is about how we can know the age of the universe. He asks: "How have 400 years of science brought us to this point at which astronomers, cosmologists and physicists can claim that the universe came into existence at a specific moment 13.7 billion years ago? And how much confidence should you have in this statement?"

These are similar to the big questions that need to be asked (and answered) regarding the anthropogenic global warming hypothesis. Just one of his chapters provides the five useful clues to which I referred.

That chapter is about the discovery that the Milky Way is not the whole universe, but actually a very tiny part of it. The early breakthroughs in modern cosmology had been the shift from a geocentric to a heliocentric view of the solar system and then to a realisation, as telescopes became more sophisticated and the understanding of the light spectrum more refined, that there were vastly more stars than anyone had imagined and that they were much farther away than anyone previously guessed.

Among them there were strange phenomena called spiral nebulae, wispy cloud-like formations that called for an explanation. In 1755, the philosopher Immanuel Kant, in his Universal Natural History and Theory of the Heavens, speculated that spiral nebulae might be what he called "island universes" outside the Milky Way. A debate about this went on for many decades, but there was no scientific consensus one way or the other.

However, in the first decades of the 20th century, a strong scientific consensus developed that the Milky Way was, in fact, the entire universe. A range of detailed studies in the 1910s by leading astronomers Vesto Slipher, Harlow Shapley and Adrian van Maanen seemed to confirm this. Shapley's work was especially brilliant. He upended the consensus that had reigned since Copernicus that the sun was the centre of the universe, showing that we should see the centre as being 40,000 light years away in the heart of the Milky Way. The debate now appeared to be over: Kant had been wrong. But it turns out he wasn't.

In Weintraub's words: "The steady accumulation of evidence from a decade of work by Slipher, Shapley and van Maanen appeared to have driven the astronomical community toward broad consensus. Spiral nebulae are part of the Milky Way. They are not island universes. The Milky Way encompasses the entire universe." A few years later, new observations proved this consensus completely wrong.

In 1923-24, brilliant young astronomer Edwin Hubble, having collected a great deal of data using the newly commissioned 100-inch telescope at Mount Wilson Observatory, wrote to Shapley to say that it looked as though Andromeda and M33 were well outside the Milky Way. "The straws are all pointing in one direction," he commented, "and it will do no harm to consider the various possibilities involved." Shapley responded with disarming humility, "I do not know whether I am sorry or glad - perhaps both." Quite suddenly, it had been shown that the universe was vastly larger than scientific consensus had allowed.

Weintraub asks, "How had the astronomy community, including Slipher, van Maanen and Shapley, been led so far astray?" Slipher, he points out, had made some good measurements but had misinterpreted them and also made statements that were "rash and not supported by sufficient evidence". Van Maanen's measurements had been simply incorrect. "Eager to discover what he believed must be true, he misled himself, finding the answers he thought should be in his data rather than the answers truly revealed by his photographs." Shapley had actually made "excellent measurements, but he did not make enough of them". Incredibly, he concludes, despite all these errors in trying to bring closure to the island universe debate, the research of Slipher and Shapley was to actually help provide the basis for the next momentous step in Hubble's research: the discovery that the universe was not only enormously larger than the Milky Way, but was expanding.

How does all this help in regard to the climate science debate? First, it shows that we are justified in being wary of foreclosing major debates based on scientific consensus, since it can be in error. Second, it shows that the way to challenge and correct scientific consensus is not through polemic or denial, but through specifying crucial variables and deductions and testing them scrupulously, in the manner of Hubble. Third, it shows that there is, nonetheless, such a thing as scientific consensus and that when handled in the manner just described, it tends to prove self-correcting. Fourth, it shows that ideally such correction will occur, as it did between Hubble and Shapley, on the basis of lucid examination of "the various possibilities". Finally, it shows that overwhelmingly human beings have always lived oblivious to the truth about the natural world and that only exacting and brilliant science has been able to discover what that truth is. In the climate science debate, we would all benefit from taking note of these five lessons as we seek to develop a rational consensus on the subject.

Paul Monk is co-founder of Austhink Consulting, the author of The West in a Nutshell: Foundations, Fragilities, Futures (2009), and a regular media commentator on public and international affairs.

Saturday, November 13, 2010

Early Learning

Infants can be groomed for learning


VERY early intervention could be crucial in eradicating educational disadvantage.

BRITAIN'S Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg has come up with an initiative that might just break the self-perpetuating cycle of educational disadvantage.

A few weeks ago he announced that the government would be setting aside pound stg. 7 billion ($11.3bn) during the course of the current parliament for a program called the pupil premium.

Most of it will be spent on free nursery-level education for Britain's poorest children.

The aim is to narrow in the early years the vocabulary gap between the disadvantaged young and everyone else. As Clegg put it: "Children from poor homes hear 616 words spoken an hour on average, compared to 2153 words an hour in richer homes. By the age of three, that amounts to a cumulative gap of 30 million words."

The breadth of vocabulary that middle-class infants are exposed to has long been recognised as a significant factor in preparing them for success at school.

It's not just the sheer number of words or being familiar with an abundance of synonyms. A lot of our history, cultural assumptions and sense of humour are embedded in the mother tongue and can be almost effortlessly assimilated.

A broad vocabulary emboldens young minds to extrapolate from the known to new, unfamiliar words and get a sense of what they mean. As well, it introduces the mind to niceties of distinction: for example, the difference between being "pleased", "not displeased" and "not best pleased" (which, for the benefit of younger readers, is a way of saying "not pleased at all").

There is a growing consensus that the most effective way to improve educational outcomes is by concentrating money and attention on the nursery. Recent research into child development at the University of London by Leon Feinstein found that the size of a child's vocabulary at 22 months is a reliable indicator of subsequent performance at school.

Middle-class kids probably aren't any brighter on average than their poorer age-mates, but their infant minds have usually been more assiduously stimulated when it matters most, early on.

The Spectator's Toby Young is a doting father who, as a columnist, takes a great interest in educational reform. In a recent piece, "Baby talk can close the attainment gap", he reflects in the light of his experience on a campaign just launched in Britain by the National Literacy Trust called Talk to Your Baby.

"You'd be forgiven for thinking it was dreamt up by a Notting Hill yummy mummy . . . It sounds absolutely barmy, the parenting equivalent of talking to plants, but in fact there's plenty of evidence to suggest that talking to children under three has an almost magical effect on their cognitive development and transforms them into more intelligent adults."

Young cites a study by a group of Harvard economists who found that children who've had a good nursery education earn, on average, $20 a week more than their peers by the time they're 27. Apparently that holds true even allowing for all the other usual factors, including social and economic status and the quality of their subsequent schooling.

Coming at the question from the other end, he cites a book by two educationalists at the University of Durham. One of their main findings is that the attainment of middle-class children doesn't vary much according to what school they attend. Generally they tend to do well even in poorly performing schools. In a nutshell, a language-rich preschool environment and a domestic setting to match it can inoculate kids against the damage that substandard schools do to their classmates.

Young offers some rather endearing anecdotal evidence. "When my daughter Sasha was around six months old I read her Pride and Prejudice. Sounds pretentious and it is, but that's one of the advantages middle-class children enjoy over working-class children: their parents are willing to risk appearing pretentious if they believe their behaviour will secure their offspring a competitive advantage. And it worked.

"I have a video of Sasha scoring 100 out of 100 in a flash card test before her first birthday. By contrast, I read all three of her brothers Peepo! and none of them started talking until they were two."

Although reading Jane Austen to babes in arms might be taking things a bit far, the first books my generation's parents read us were often quite demanding and designed to captivate the reader as much as the child. I'm thinking of Alice in Wonderland, Gulliver's Travels, The Magic Pudding, the nonsense verse of Ogden Nash and Oscar Wilde's volume of fairy stories. Each of those books has hidden depths and unsettling interludes where things are not as they seem. Each might serve as an introduction to irony.

Young's other point about the role of parental pushiness in securing a competitive advantage for their children is an important one. I noticed it early on, growing up on the raffish outskirts of Bellevue Hill in Sydney.

A lot of the neighbouring blocks of flats were occupied by Jewish immigrants from central Europe and I played and went to primary school with their children. There was scarcely a boy among them who had not settled on a choice of profession, with a modicum of parental nudging, by the time he was six.

Although my parents were people of cultured tastes and ambitious for their only child, my mother's teenage career on John Dease's The Quiz Kids program had given her an aversion to precocious infants and she flatly refused to teach me to read before I went to school. Long before I was literate, most of my playmates could read a little English, speak Yiddish and perhaps another European language, and were beginning Hebrew lessons.

As well, willy-nilly, most learned a musical instrument. While some of them complained of a pressure-cooker existence - and left me feeling like a cheerful underachiever - they had a head start in life that most parents now can only dream about.

My last four columns and this week's have all concentrated on what constitutes a great education and why so few of the rising generation have access to one. I fear it has been rather bleak reading for the most part, which is why I'm ending on a positive note.

Very early intervention to break the cycle of educational disadvantage holds out far more hope - especially for Aboriginal infants and the children of what used to be called the lumpenproletariat - than the public system ever has. It ought to be high on the productivity agendas of both the main parties.

Saturday, October 16, 2010

FoodForThought

American Thinker Article

Sociologists: Liberal Policy Didn't Cause the Mortgage Crisis, Racism Did

By Monte Kuligowski

"Predatory lending aimed at racially segregated minority neighborhoods led to mass foreclosures that fueled the U.S. housing crisis, according to a new study published in the American Sociological Review." That's how the Reuters
story of October 4, "Racial predatory loans fueled U.S. housing crisis: study," opens.

The "new study" is an academic article titled "Racial Segregation and the American Foreclosure Crisis," which was written by a graduate student at Princeton and his professor.

Inasmuch as the "new study" further diverts attention from the real reasons for the foreclosure crisis and advances racism as a cause, the piece is becoming a smashing success within the "mainstream" media. Not only was the banking industry greedy, but new evidence shows that its "predatory lending" policies were in fact racist as well.

During the primaries and race leading to the 2008 presidential election, gas prices happened to skyrocket, and shortly thereafter, the giant housing bubble burst. It was like the breaking of a piñata, scattering candies everywhere for Candidate Obama. With a little help from the news media, the bubble's burst couldn't have happened at a better time.

Acting with lightning speed, the Democrats and their media created the non sequitur narrative. It was Bush's fault! The free markets failed because the reckless cowboy refused to regulate the banking and financial industries.

Never mind that those were already highly regulated industries -- and no one has yet revealed the regulations that Bush opposed that would have prevented the bursting of the artificial bubble.

Also pay no attention to the fact that the Democrats had controlled Congress since 2006 and had resisted repeated requests for tighter accounting of Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae. The likes of Barney Frank assured us that everything was hunky-dory with the government-backed lending system.

And, lastly, if we are to accept the narrative, we must forget about Jimmy Carter's Community Reinvestment Act, the instrument from which the government created the artificial bubble. The Act is little more than liberal feel-good social engineering that levels the playing field for low-income minorities. According to liberal thought (see the words of former HUD Secretary Andrew Cuomo), institutional racial discrimination was the reason banks were not approving enough loans for minorities.

The federal government, therefore, had to intervene. The Clinton administration revived and enforced the Act in the1990s with vengeance; and with a little help from groups like ACORN, minority loan approvals reached all-time highs.

Application of the Act was done in the name of the right to "affordable housing." Affordable housing really meant that everyone has a right to get a mortgage on a home. At the threat of ACORN members getting crazy in bank lobbies and with the coercion of federal law, traditional qualifications for getting loan approvals (verifiable income levels, sufficient down payments, standard credit histories, etc.) were thrown out the window.

What the federal government forced upon the mortgage industry was like the screeching of fingernails on a chalkboard to the principles of the free market system. No businessman in his right mind would approve loans, in the name of social justice, for those who couldn't afford them. So ridiculous was the practice that the government had to create an entire system to back the devalued mortgages generated by liberal economic-justice policy.

Prior to the bubble's burst, the bankers were the good guys so long as they were lending to people who really couldn't afford homes. The government's manipulation of the markets led to trading in worthless paper and derivative hedging by greedy Wall Street investors. But in the heyday of easy loans, easy money, and rampant corruption at Freddie and Fannie, the Democrats were happy and content.

So long as home prices were going up and equity was accruing, the artificial markets seemed almost real. The subprime loans seemed to work. It went on for many years. But after gas prices began hovering at $4.00 per gallon, waves of mortgage defaults crashed throughout the country. Once the system collapsed, a new set of facts was needed -- and reality was quickly turned upside-down.

Even though the mortgage industry was forced to make "risky loans" to meet government quotas, the bankers became the bad guys. Risky loans were blamed on the free market system. Capitalism had failed.

The mortgage people were suddenly guilty of selling "predatory loans" to innocent minorities. Liberal Democrats had authored, implemented, and maintained the irresponsible lending policies which led to the financial crisis. But after the burst, we saw the most culpable Democrats -- Obama, Dodd, Frank, et al. -- blaming the Republicans and capitalism.

The best fiction novelist in the world couldn't make this stuff up. How the establishment left was able to turn the entire situation on its head is beyond belief (in the aftermath, we even witnessed a surreal Dodd-Frank reform bill). And now we have a "new study" to show that the practice of "predatory loans" was likely based on racial discrimination!

In the piece (the new study), the authors first note that the Fair Housing Act of 1968 didn't work out so well and that minorities continue to "live under conditions of hyper segregation" in the big inner cities. Declines in the black population in communities in "New York, Chicago, Detroit, Atlanta, Houston, and Washington," have been "minimal or nonexistent."

I guess we're supposed to attribute the "segregation" problem to racial discrimination and not the government welfare policies that have crippled an entire segment of the black population.

From there, the authors tell us that "a careful reading of recent scholarship on segregation and mortgage lending shows that racial discrimination occurred at each step in the complex chain of events leading from loan origination to foreclosure."

You see, "high levels of segregation create a natural market for subprime lending and cause riskier mortgages, and thus foreclosures, to accumulate disproportionately in racially segregated cities' minority neighborhoods."

Hmm. Why do you suppose "segregation" creates "a natural market for subprime lending?" A subprime mortgage happens to be a type of loan for people with poor credit histories. Think there's any connection between poor credit ratings and government dependency? Perish the thought.

Prior to the politicizing of the mortgage industry, people with poor credit histories were turned down for home loans. "Pay your bills, stay at your job, save your money, and come back and see me in a few years," was the advice of the banker before ACORN and social justice came along. Subprime loans were an accommodation for people who shouldn't have gotten loans in the first place.

Perhaps the most disturbing part of the "new study" is the section in which the authors essentially call blacks in the inner cities stupid. We're supposed to believe that because "pawn shops, payday lenders, and check cashing services that charge high fees and usurious rates of interest," exist in "minority areas ... minority group members are accustomed to exploitation and [are] frequently unaware that better services are available elsewhere."

So the mortgage crisis was caused not by the government forcing lenders to grant loans to those who really didn't qualify, but by "predatory lenders" who targeted inner-city minorities who were just too dumb to know that better services were available elsewhere.

The level of dishonesty associated with the liberal media (and academic) narrative of the mortgage crisis is astounding and if the general public ever gets the facts the Democrat Party will be in peril for decades to come.

Monday, October 04, 2010

Euthanasia

An article in the Australian by Paul Kelly
29thSeptember2010

THE Labor leader should not let this law be put back on the books.

NEW Prime Minister Julia Gillard will be called on to reveal more of her core beliefs, with the immediate test being the euthanasia bill that highlights a cultural divide in Western society.

Greens leader Bob Brown's decision to introduce a private member's bill to restore the power of parliaments in the Northern Territory and the ACT to legislate for euthanasia poses a political challenge for the minority Labor government and for Gillard.

Brown's bill in its mechanics deals with territory powers but its essence is to open the door to euthanasia in Australia.

The bill is facilitated under new parliamentary procedures and the Labor-Greens alliance.

Gillard has announced that Labor will allow a conscience vote but that cannot gainsay the political question: Will the Gillard government become the means to authorise legalised killing in Australia by abandoning the 1997 law of the national parliament?

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This would be a threshold and false step for Australia. It is difficult to imagine that Gillard wants this stamp on her prime ministership.

During the past dozen years euthanasia has won little acceptance in most Western nations beyond The Netherlands and Belgium in Europe and the states of Oregon and Washington in the US. Two years ago human rights champion Frank Brennan told a Senate committee: "Since the commonwealth exercise the US Supreme Court has said there is no right to euthanasia. It would seem to me that on balance nothing has changed or, if anything, the anti-euthanasia case is probably slightly strengthened if we look at developments in equivalent jurisdictions."

The clinching case against euthanasia has been put by Australian-Canadian lawyer and ethicist Margaret Somerville in evidence to the Australian parliament: "If you look at the most fundamental norm or value on which our type of societies are based, it is that we do not kill each other. No matter how compassionate and merciful your reasons for carrying out euthanasia, it still alters that norm that we do not kill each other to one where we do not usually, but in some cases we do."

Once this threshold is crossed and killing is sanctioned, what are the terms, conditions and safeguards? Given the frailty of human history, does anybody doubt the scope and scale for abuses?

In a speech to the NSW parliament on October 16, 1996, premier Bob Carr said this question was "the bottom line that we must face as legislators": Was it possible to legislate euthanasia with the safeguards necessary to assure the sick, vulnerable, indigenous and invalid? "I do not think it is possible," Carr answered as the parliament found against euthanasia.

In 1995 the Northern Territory passed its euthanasia law, an event of moment for the Territory and Australia. The law was a shocker and the safeguards deficient. It was negated by the 1996 bill moved by Liberal MP Kevin Andrews, as a private member, carried in the House of Representatives on an 88-35 conscience vote on December 9, 1996. In the Senate the Andrews bill was passed 38-33 in March 1997.

The national parliament's overriding of the Territory was a proper exercise of its constitutional powers and political authority. There was no issue of territory rights, then or now. The national parliament had the constitutional power and, as Andrews said, if the national parliament could not legislate on an issue that went, literally, to the life and death of its citizens, then what on earth was its purpose?

The entire key to the euthanasia debate lies in its great paradox: consistent polls showing a majority in favour. But what, exactly, are people supporting? The 1996-97 debate provides the answer: most people think that turning off life-support machines and discontinuing life-preserving treatment is euthanasia. In fact, this is nothing to do with euthanasia. Indeed, it is the precise opposite of euthanasia. If a family turns off a life-support machine, the patient dies because of their illness, not because of the doctor. But if the doctor gives a lethal injection, then the patient is killed. This is a fine yet critical distinction.

Because euthanasia involves one person being sanctioned to kill another, it cannot be seen just within a human rights framework. It is an ethical and intellectual failure to pretend that euthanasia is merely a human right awaiting recognition. It is about society and its norms and values. There is no escaping the chasm that euthanasia crosses. Creation of a legal framework to permit killing must affect the way all people perceive their lives and the expectations that friends, family and doctors have of patients.

This issue was best put by former NSW politician Tony Burke, now Minister for Sustainability and Environment in the Gillard government, when he led the 1996 campaign from Labor's side: "There is a maxim often used in the capital punishment debate which applies perfectly to legalised euthanasia: whether you support it or oppose it in principle, if one innocent person is going to be killed, that is too high a price." Exactly.

Former Labor MP Lindsay Tanner, on October 28, 1996, tore to shreds the logic of the Northern Territory law. Asking where the line should be drawn, Tanner asked rhetorically: "Why is it that it is only the terminally ill? Why shouldn't it also be the severely disabled? Why not somebody with an incurable mental illness? Why not children who are terminally ill?"

Tanner's point is that lines cannot be firm or fixed. Reinforcing his argument is that many euthanasia advocates, such as Peter Singer, actively promote its extension more widely.

Tanner also dismissed the furphy about territory rights, saying it was absurd to let the Northern Territory, representing 1 per cent of the people, make such a decision affecting all Australians. Finally, he asked: What about the terminally ill who do not want to die? Good question. It was the question hammered by Burke and Andrews. Once the killing culture is established, the aged, sick and disabled will have to consider whether to put up their hands. They will feel obligated. Financial pressures, healthcare costs and expectations of family will assume new dimensions.

The old joke for the sick is that euthanasia is "putting us out of your misery".

Yes, some people in pain want to die and it is hard to deny their claim. Yet there are many others glad to be alive today who would have volunteered for euthanasia if it had been legal five years ago. As Andrews said in 1996, a well person who is suicidal is offered counselling, but under euthanasia an ill person who is suicidal becomes an option for death.

Brown's bill will enable the territories, if they wish, to pass new euthanasia laws.

Gillard gave a tentative sign last weekend of her doubts.

She will guarantee harsh judgments by branding herself as a pro-euthanasia PM or, even worse, by letting such laws back on the books.